Major Dalim Speaking- Since this morning, the military has seized power under the strong leadership of Khandaker Mushtaq Ahmad. Sheikh Mujib and his murderous, corrupt government have been overthrown. From now on, martial law was imposed across the country.
I request you all to cooperate with us. Rest assured, you will have no problem. Long live Bangladesh.
Sometime before this declaration of Major Dalim was transmitted in the ether, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the sole ruler of the independence movement and later independent Bangladesh, was killed along with his family. The day was August 15, 1975. It was said that on August 15, Dhaka University will welcome the first president of independent Bangladesh with great enthusiasm.
The government-backed student organization and the university administration have been on their toes for many days around his reception. But no, he did not come to Dhaka University that day, he was lying in a lifeless state on the stairs of his residence located on road number 32 in Dhanmondi. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's body was lying there all day on August 15.
From 66 to 71, Mujib was the undisputed leader of Bangladesh, seventy-five million people would lay their lives under his command, but why was Mujib killed by the army created by himself? Why didn't his organization, security forces or his people come forward that day? How did Sheikh Mujib become so isolated from his people?
How did the relationship with political comrade Tajuddin get so bad? What did Mujib actually want in Bangladesh after independence? Why did Sheikh Mujib not want to share the power?
Find answers to these questions in today's special episode of Search of Mystery! 72 to 75 Political Upheaval: January 8, 1972. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman flew to London after being freed from the Pakistani prison.
The British Prime Minister met with Edward Heath and arrived in India the next day in a special plane of the British government. In a speech at the parade ground in Delhi, Sheikh Mujib said that he believes in secularism, democracy, human liberation and world peace. He ended his speech with 'Jai Hind'.
Later, however, Indira Gandhi and he also raised the slogan 'Jai Bangla' in unison. He arrived in Bangladesh on January 10, 1972, as a hero. On January 11, he met the Prime Minister of the Mujibnagar Government, Tajuddin Ahmed.
But Sheikh Mujib for some strange reason, did not greet him. In that day's discussion and Sheikh Mujib's inanity, Tajuddin realized that he had lost the blessings of his leader. Distance was created between Tajuddin and Sheikh Mujib in the first step of Bangladesh's new journey.
And Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni was behind the creation of this distance. It was Moni who was backbiting to Sheikh Mujib about Tajuddin. In this context, the then Chhatra League leader Shahidul Islam said in an interview that Khandkar Moshtaq collaborated with Moni to push Tajuddin politically into the abyss.
Because Tajuddin was a big obstacle to Sheikh Mani's political ambitions. According to Sirajul Alam Khan, the liberation war was in the name of Sheikh Mujib, but Tajuddin was the leader during the War of Independence in 1971. But he became the first casualty of the country he liberated.
In mid-1973, Sheikh Mujib took the initiative to investigate how much wealth had been secretly amassed by ministers in India during the liberation war and in post-war Bangladesh. It is said that Mujib took this step to weed out people he disliked in the cabinet. According to the account of Indian diplomat JN Dixit (note photos/footage), Tajuddin secretly told Dixit that Bangabandhu's decision was a cruel joke.
He also told Dixit that orders had been issued that no one could visit India without the Prime Minister's approval. Sheikh Mujib did not want anyone to gain the power to question his authority. This is how Tajuddin gradually became cornered in the party.
Eventually, he had to resign from Sheikh Mujib's cabinet. After resigning from the cabinet on October 26, 1974, Tajuddin was never active in politics again. Not only Tajuddin but also Maulana Bhasani, the one-time political mentor of Sheikh Mujib in independent Bangladesh, deteriorated.
The incident began on January 22. That day Maulana Bhasani returned from India. On the occasion of his return to the country, Weekly Holiday Editor M Aslam highlighted Maulana Sahib's historic 'Assalamu Alaikum'.
This matter infuriated Sheikh Mujib. Journalist Kamal Lohani said: "At that time, I was the director of Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra. One day, probably after the surrender ceremony of Quader Siddiqui, I came to Dhaka by road and was sitting at Dhaka station taking news of everything.
At that time the call came from Ganobhaban. I rushed to pick it up. Mr Rosario (as far as I remember Sheikh Mujib's PS ) He said, "Bangabandhu wants to talk.
He gave me the telephone and then it started pouring on me. " "Mawlana Bhasani's news commentary was on the radio today, did you hear it? ".
I said that is not my concern, Saiful Bari. But he did not stop- "Maulana Bhasani has just returned to the country, now he has become a herald of independence? What position did he have in the liberation war?
We need to find out his position. No, you said on the radio that he is the one who made the country independent. " Mr Lohani said, I was shocked after hearing these words.
How could he say these things about the Maulana who accepted his leadership in the liberation war without a word, who was once his political guru! NOT HEARING THE ORDER FROM ANYBODY EXCEPT YOU UNDERSTAND THE DIRECTION GIVEN BY AWAMI LEAGUE. Sheikh Mujib gradually began to see himself as the possessor of omnipotent authority.
He forgot his role, his duty. After that, he tried to harm the one whoever he considered an opponent in various ways. Sheikh Mujib finalized his future action plan by promulgating the constitution.
Although Sheikh Mujib government's biggest achievement is considered to be giving a constitution to the country in the shortest period. Bangladesh got the constitution within 1 year, whereas, Pakistan had to wait for 8 years On January 11, 1972, the 'Bangladesh Provisional Constitution Order' was promulgated. In 70 and 71, the Constituent Assembly was formed from the representatives elected in the national and provincial elections.
On January 12, Justice Abu Saeed Chowdhury was appointed President, Sheikh Mujib was sworn in as Prime Minister and formed an 11-member Cabinet. On April 10, 1972, the first session of the Constituent Assembly was held. A 33-member constitution drafting committee was formed under the leadership of Dr Kamal Hossain.
November 4, 1972 The Constitution got approval, but several controversies emerged. One of the controversial one was the 6th, in which it was told that the people of Bangladesh will be called Bengali. However, non-Bengali people were living in hill tracts and Biharis as well.
This Article of the Constitution ignores the ethnic identity of all of them. When this bill was passed in the Parliament with some amendments, Manvendra Larma, the representative of the hill tribes, walked out of the Parliament. The debate centred on Bengali nationalism is still hot.
The elite and middle class of the society became the carriers of Mujib's nationalism. According to Ahmad Chafa, the basic ambition of this class was to establish a covert connection with the imperial powers. Ahmad Chhafa has truly said, 'Sheikh Mujib's nationalism is the nationalism of the national middle class.
Which is not the exploited class of the society but the petty exploiter class. Another controversial article is Article 70. It is said in this paragraph, that if someone votes against his party in the parliament, then his seat in the parliament will be vacant.
This passage is very important to perpetuate the Mujib regime. This clause was inserted at the suggestion of Sheikh Mujib. Basically, the members of Parliament are made slaves of the party, more precisely, the party chief.
As a result, we have seen that in the election of 73, there were 74 percent graduate and 28 percent post-graduate MPs, but they had no voice in the parliament. Constitutionally, the way to exercise democracy in political parties is blocked. Arrangements are made so that the party chief inevitably becomes authoritarian.
On December 16, 1972, the constitution came into effect and on December 17, Sheikh Mujib's cabinet was sworn in under the new constitution. 72 The Constitution did not have any provision to declare a state of emergency, on 22 September 1973 the Constitution was amended to include a provision for declaring a state of emergency. In the light of the new constitution, the newly formed government got involved in widespread corruption, irregularities and factionalism.
Party people are appointed to important posts in various government, semi-government, autonomous, financial and business institutions including Bangladesh Civil Service. Listed party people were appointed to 350 posts in the name of giving opportunities to freedom fighters in government jobs only through oral examination. The oral examination was conducted by a committee headed by Ruhul Quddus, Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, in which there was no member of the PSC.
In BPSC, that old system is still in force in recommendations. Abandoned factories left behind by Pakistanis after independence were nationalized and blind supporters of Awami League were placed in their administrative positions. After the war, the 60,000 houses and abandoned land left by non-Bengalis were taken over by Awami League leaders and activists.
In the 1973 national election, the election manifesto of NAP led by Maulana Bhasani said that 2000 rich families were born in Bangladesh instead of 22 rich families in Pakistan. And the government had tacit support for these occupations. Sheikh Mujib thought that to build a party, the people of the party should be given various facilities and patronage.
As a result, a rich class emerged in the country overnight under the umbrella of the government. Mujib daughter Hasina has preserved the continuity of that work. Various business organizations, including S Alam and Beximco Group, are allowed to indulge in unbridled corruption and money laundering.
During the 72-75 period, the Awami vultures syndicated the market system, increased the artificial prices of the products and sucked the blood of the poor and hardworking people. First election and first election of independent Bangladesh: The first national election of independent Bangladesh was held on March 7, 1973. The reason behind keeping the election date on March 7 is that the election of 1973 was identified as a referendum in favour of Mujibism in the election manifesto of the Awami League.
Note that the election manifesto ended with the slogan 'Zindabad' being written. Although now a kind of attempt to identify the slogan of Zindabad as a Pakistani slogan can be seen in our progressive quarters. The election of 73 was heavily rigged.
A seat in Bhola Jasd nominated candidate. Azhar Uddin was abducted while submitting nomination papers. OUR CANDIDATE IS ABDUCTED As a result, Sheikh Mujib won the seat unopposed.
In that election, Sheikh Mujib won four total seats, he won unopposed in two seats, including the Bhola seat. Even then, there were cases where opponents were not allowed to submit their nominations due to intimidation, threats and abductions. National Professor Anisuzzaman described the March 7 polling experience thus, "Going to vote in a free country, with great enthusiasm in my heart.
When I went to the polling station, the enthusiasm went out. I came to learn my vote was casted! " After the election, NAP President Mozaffar Ahmed and General Secretary Pankaj Bhattacharya said in a joint statement- "In at least 70 seats, candidates from other parties, including NAP, had a clear chance of victory.
" But suddenly at 10 pm the counting of election votes was stopped. And later party candidates are announced as winners. In that election, the Awami League won 293 seats out of 300 seats.
The audience is surely surprised? In fact, Sheikh Hasina has followed her father's footsteps. However, Sheikh Mujib formed the government in the 1973 elections.
Although parliamentary democracy was on paper, the government was run much like a presidential government. Sheikh Mujib was in full possession of his powers. He used to appoint ministers at will.
He was not ready to take advice from anyone, even though he had a minister in his cabinet to advise the Prime Minister. He wanted everyone to obey his orders unconditionally. Along with the continuous corruption, looting and money laundering, in August-September 74, the flood came as a blow to the people of this town.
Famine begins. 23 October 1974 Ittefaq headline, “Thousands die of starvation and cholera every day in Rangpur district. ” Another report by Ittefaq on November 2 was titled “Millions Die of Famine.
” The cries of those famine-stricken people are echoed in Rafiq Azad's famous poem, 'Give me rice you ba$t4ard, else I’ll eat the map'. How many people starved to death in that famine is disputed. Officially 26-37 thousand people died.
According to BIDS research director Mohiuddin Alamgir, 15 lakh people lost their lives in that famine. THIS IS NOT CORRECT! THEN 27000 PEOPLE COULDN'T HAVE BEEN DIED.
BUT YOU'LL EXPECT THAT A FEW MILLION PEOPLE WILL DIE. At that time, a picture of a girl named Basanti from Kurigram with a net wrapped around her body for lack of clothes was printed in IttefaQ. Which caused a great stir in the country and abroad.
Despite all this Sheikh Mujib is steadfast. He appeared before the oppressed people with Bakshal. It was already predicted that structural changes are coming in the government system.
There were rumours in the newspapers that the government might be going to introduce a presidential system, and the Prime Minister's visit to Cairo and Baghdad was to see first-hand how a one-party system of government works. On December 28, 1974, President Muhammaduullah declared a state of emergency in the country by virtue of clause (1) of Article 141(a) of the Constitution. Maudud Ahmed was arrested when he prepared to challenge the validity of the government's decision in court.
On 25 January 1975, the Fourth Amendment Bill was introduced in the National Parliament. The bill passed by a vote of 294-0. This bill replaces parliamentary democracy with a one-party system of government ruled by the President.
After the bill was passed, Sheikh Mujib was sworn in as President without giving President Muhammadullah the chance to resign. On 28 October before the election in 1970, Sheikh Mujib pointed to the Muslim League in a radio address and said- 'Awami League was established under the leadership of our late leader, Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, to stand against the efforts of the ruling party to turn it into a one-party state. This is how we started our uncompromising struggle to establish democracy in Pakistan.
Our struggle is not over even today. AWAMI LEAGUE WAS BORN IN ADVERSITY, AND IT HAS GROWN IN ADVERSITY. OUR GREAT LEADER, HOSSAIN SHAHID SUHARWARDY CAME INTO EXISTENCE TO DEFY THE ATTEMPT OF THE RULING PARTY TO FORM A ONE PARTY STATE.
WE THUS BEGAN THE STRUGGLE TO ESTABLISH DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN. THIS STRUGGLE CONTINUES TILL THIS DAY. However, after only five years, Mujib himself abolished all parties and uprooted the small saplings of democracy in Bangladesh through one-party rule.
As a result, the tragic coup of August 15 took place. The politics of Bangladesh has not yet got rid of the vicious cycle established by Sheikh Mujib. After the upheaval of 75, the politics of Bengal witnessed many upheavals and counter-coups.
And finally, the bloody coup of July 2024 ended the 17-year dictatorship of Sheikh Mujib daughter Sheikh Hasina. 71 In the later period, Sheikh Mujib and his party Awami League had a unique opportunity to build the newly formed Bangladesh, but the policy of clinging to power engulfed them. Ahmad Chafa said about Sheikh Mujib, 'Is Sheikh Mujib a real hero or a villain?
Not even that. There was an element of heroism in it but it did not match the real context of history. So he could not become a real hero.
Perhaps Sheikh Mujib is a pitiful hero, his character will be used in future tragic dramas. But the history of Bengal cannot be liberated by following his ideals. Dear viewers, share your opinion about Sheikh Mujib in the comments.
Now is the most important time to discuss Sheikh Mujib's position in changing Bangladesh's future political course. Thanks for watching our video, I hope you will share the video and subscribe to this channel. See you soon in our next video.
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