At the end of this trail, the Central African Republic. We're going to enter the country clandestinely, in a rebel-held zone. The counter-espionage services of a neighboring state will help us cross the border.
We arrive there. There was no other way. The Central African authorities have denied us access to this area.
They refuse to let us talk to the rebels. After 3 days on the road, our team finally crosses the border in a pirogue. We have an appointment with an FPRC squadron.
This is the most powerful rebel group in the Central African Republic. They control more than a third of the country. Hello Commander, how are you?
It's going well. The squadron leader is Major Yacoub. He and his men are in charge of escorting us to the rebel leader, Abdoulaye Hissène, public enemy number 1 of the Central African government.
These rebels are well armed. They took over equipment from the regular army following a coup d'état in 2013. Get on board!
Get on board! We're about to embark on a 500-kilometer journey through the northeast of the country. With Ali, our driver, we soon discover that in this region, distances are counted less in kilometers than in days.
These tracks were laid when the Central African Republic was a French colony. They have not been maintained for a very long time. The region seems to have been totally abandoned by the central government.
The villagers are poor and have very little infrastructure at their disposal. As night falls, the men take a break, 2 hours to regain their strength. The officers are the first to be served.
We are the officers. As for the others, it's a case of who's quickest. After the meal, it's time for peace.
Give me 3,000. Give him 4,000. 4000 is fine.
Each man gets 4,000 CFA francs, or 6 euros, for a 10-day mission. Not even 1 euro a day. We still have 5 days on the tracks to reach our destination and meet the rebel leader.
A certain Abdullah Hissène. The Central African Republic. A country the size of France, Belgium and Switzerland combined.
With only 4 and a half million inhabitants. To the north, a savannah region inhabited mainly by herders and traders, most of them Muslim. To the south, the rainforest, populated mainly by farmers, most of them Christian.
2 communities that cohabit with difficulty. Southerners don't like northerners. Central Africa doesn't like the other.
And that's that. A state gangrenous with rivalries between these populations, eroded by poverty. The Central African Republic is the least developed country in the world, second only to Niger.
Add to that corruption and the cocktail is explosive. Since its independence in 1960, this former French colony has seen numerous coups d'état. The most recent was in 2013.
It was led by a rebellion from the north. Civil war ensued. France then intervened with Operation Sangaris.
But in 2016, it withdrew its troops, assuring that the situation was more stable. France passed the baton to the UN, but the UN is having a hard time enforcing peace and order. 14 rebel groups control two-thirds of the territory.
Today, even in the heart of the capital Bangui, certain districts are in the hands of militias. We're fighting for PK5, but if we die, they replace us. In the north of the Central African Republic, the FPRC, the most powerful rebel group, reigns over a third of the country.
Its military leader, Abdoulaye Hissène, agreed to meet with us. Why the rebellion? Because of bad governance.
There are atrocities, there are killings. To restore order in his country, the president in power called on the Russians. Like him, some of his fellow citizens feel betrayed by France, which has withdrawn its troops.
The Russians have their mercenaries. They provide protection for the president and are gaining influence among Central Africans, in particular by financing beauty contests. Since strengthening their presence with the presidency, the Russians have won mining contracts.
The Central African Republic abounds in natural resources. During our tour, we met Ousmane, a gold digger. Gold, huh?
Yes, there's gold here. How's that? A good day, then?
Yes, that's it. Central African Republic, a trip to a country in chaos. Friday, the day of the Air France flight from Paris.
An important man has just stepped off the plane. It's Jean-Serge Bokassa, one of the sons of the former emperor of Central Africa. They're on their way back from a trip.
How are you? How's the country doing? It's going very well.
Did you get all dressed up for me? Jean-Serge Bokassa was a presidential candidate. 2 years ago, he was still a minister.
Today, he's on the outs with the head of state. He didn't accept the fact that the president recently authorized the Russians to set up a military camp in his father's imperial palace. Today, our father's burial place, have been turned into a military base and the family is forbidden access, which is completely scandalous and unacceptable.
His father, Jean-Baudel Bokassa, is the embodiment of France in Africa. A megalomaniac, he proclaimed himself emperor and was crowned in 1977, without any official protest from France. But Bokassa soon became uncontrollable.
He drew closer to Libya, under the sulphurous Colonel Gaddafi. France, then presided over by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, decided to provide military support for a coup d'état that overthrew Bokassa in September 1979. A month later, the diamond affair exploded in the press.
Gifts given by Bokassa to Giscard in 1973. An affair exploited by the Left, which contributed to François Mitterrand's victory in 1981. That day marked the anniversary of the emperor's death.
Jean-Serge Bokassa received an invitation from the authorities to visit the palace. A ceremony is planned, but he's not yet sure he'll be able to attend. And the Russians have the power to prevent you from entering?
I don't think they necessarily have the legitimacy, but a kind of legality conferred by the powers that be, by the Head of State, I understood that it depended solely on him directly. Here we are, yes, clearly here we are, here we are. Jean-Serge Bokassa is greeted by a compatriot.
So, Kotazo, how are you? Shall we come for the ceremony? Yes, thank you.
But here, it's the Russians who give the instructions and they don't like cameras. Tell him not to film. You can't film here.
Aren't we supposed to be filming here? Oh, sorry. The other 30 or so children of the Emperor are absent.
How do you do? Notables from Jean-Serge Bokassa's electoral fiefdom are here. Nostalgic for the imperial regime, which disappeared 40 years ago.
Jean-Baudel Bokassa was an emperor who ruled the country with an iron fist. Jean-Baudel Bokassa was not only a politician, but also, and perhaps above all, a military man. For the record, he first joined the French army, he was answering a call from General de Gaulle, in the dark hours of the French Revolution.
On behalf of the Bokassa family, I thank you. There are no French officials in the Assembly. The Russians, on the other hand, are here.
We are gathered here to pay tribute to the remarkable son of the Central African Republic. 2 Russian emissaries, special advisors to the President of the Central African Republic, are laying a wreath on the grave of France's former ally. The man who was close to de Gaulle and Giscard d'Estaing.
The Russians are far-sighted. At the end of the ceremony, they contact Jean-Serge Bokassa. Hello, how are you?
You never know, he might come back to the top of the political scene one day. Do you have your business card? No, unfortunately, I came without one, but I could e-mail it to them eventually.
I'm very grateful for your contact. So am I. Thank you very much.
Best regards to your country. With France now marginalized, it's Russia that's now the master of the game in the Central African Republic. On this December 1st, a national holiday, the country celebrates the proclamation of the Republic.
President Archange Touadera attended the parade. In the stands, the French and Russian ambassadors are seated side by side. But the president has entrusted his security to well-armed Russian mercenaries.
They belong to the Wagner company, owned by an oligarch close to Vladimir Putin. Russia has been infiltrating power in the Central African Republic for the past year. On Avenue des Martyrs, soldiers march unarmed.
The army is being rebuilt. It was disbanded after committing atrocities during the civil war of 2013. Today, it has very few rifles and few tanks.
And for lack of military resources, the President of the Central African Republic cannot even control all the districts of his capital. In Bangui, the main lawless zone is PK-5, the city's commercial district, where all the wealth flows, with its large market and even slot machines. Here, it's a casino game.
A casino game? Yes. PK-5, a district of 2 square kilometers, held by well-armed militias, led by General Force, whom we're about to meet.
Amine is one of his lieutenants. He claims to have hundreds of fighters, men, child soldiers rather, often orphans, cannon fodder. Baby killers ready to die for their leader.
The authorities have tried to kill him several times to take over the district. This is a real weapon in my hands. We're ready to die, General Force you won't find him, yet here he is.
Remember, you tried to kill him and missed, but our vengeance will be terrible. We're fighting for Pk-5 if we die, we're replaced. 3 days ago, General Force's house was bombed.
The man is now in hiding. Major Amine came to his rescue just after the explosion. For him, it was the Russians who were behind the attack.
The bomb was really strong, with chemicals. It was black, all black. There was smoke everywhere, and that's what we were breathing.
The Central Africans don't have drones, but the Russians do. They had time to spot before shelling and they destroyed everything. These accusations are difficult to verify.
But one thing is certain, there was a loud explosion at around 2am. Ousmane, another of General Force's lieutenants, is very upset. Just imagine, look if we screw up, it's going to be hot, we don't even respect civilians, imagine that, you need to know that.
Ousmane agrees to take us to General Force. To avoid revealing his hiding place, we're not allowed to film his surroundings. General Force, a few days ago, you escaped an assassination attempt.
Can you explain? I'm not an opponent to go and take power from Professor Archange Touadéra. No, I'm not.
I'm not from the opposition. This place is not rebellious. No, no, no.
It's a place for people, civilians, shopkeepers, locals and others alike. But we've only acted in self-defense to defend our area, and we're only defending the community. The community is made up of the 15,000 inhabitants of this neighborhood.
Most of them Muslims. They took refuge here in 2014, in the middle of the civil war. French soldiers were protecting them from anti-Muslim militias.
In this neighborhood, people still love France and respect General Force, who has been in charge of security since the end of Operation Sangharis. If we've eliminated our leader, what are we going to do? And that's the problem.
Here's the flag just outside the entrance to Générale de France. For General Force's men, day-to-day life is a muddle. There's no electricity.
Life in PK-5 is like that. Every day since 2013 until now. So this is a safe house.
Yeah, here, we rest. Okay, that's good. You see, we're cool!
This is where Ousmane likes to relax. Do you still have any of his family here? They killed my brother, my father and my sister in front of me, in 2013 In December.
December 28th. So I'm a victim. I'm forced to smoke this cigarette to lose certain minds.
Ousmane joined the ranks of General Force after his relatives were murdered by Christian militiamen. He also defends his business, because during the day, Ousmane runs a stall and his gun is never far away. Every shopkeeper has a gun.
I'm a shopkeeper. This is the Klashnikov. I paid 350,000 francs for it and I defend myself with it.
Ousmane, like the other shopkeepers in the neighborhood, doesn't like the President. Nor his pro-Russian policy. He calls on France, the former colonial power, to restore order in the Central African Republic.
To get rid of the French and bring in the Russian, that's not happening. How do you do it? Can you forget your dad and take on another dad to adopt?
No, no, this can't work. Papa is papa. France, we're behind France.
Elsewhere, in Bangui, some citizens put their faith in their new ally, Russia. It has to be said that Moscow has put in place a well-honed strategy to gain a lasting foothold and conquer both minds and hearts. Today, Bangui la Coquette is getting ready to celebrate glamour.
Glamour made in Russ-Africa. We're late for the shoot, so hurry up! The country's most beautiful women are gathered at a select location in the capital.
Aged between 18 and 25, eleven finalists from Bonne Société are vying for the prestigious title of Miss Central Africa. I'm Manoa Zangameto, Juliana, Justina, from Bangor. I come from La Lobaye.
I represent Basse-Kotto. As for Charlène, Miss Bangui, she already sees herself at the top of the bill. Why do I think I'm going to be Miss?
Because I have potential. And given the theme, which is beauty and intelligence, I know I already meet those criteria. The 23-year-old management student is spending her final hours at the Miss boarding school.
Hello? Yes, Mum. We're about to leave.
And she's relieved. I've been here for 2 weeks. I really miss my family.
Tomorrow, I'll be out of boarding school, so I'm fine. But before leaving for the ceremony, the candidates gather to pray. With a special thought for the new friends of the Central African Republic.
The election takes place at the 20000-seat stadium. The event is sponsored by Loba Invest, a Russian mining company owned by someone close to Vladimir Putin. Tickets start at 10000 CFA francs, 15 euros.
That's a third of the average monthly wage in the country. 2 hours before the show, the bleachers are still empty and will remain so. By evening, less than a hundred spectators are present in the VIP area.
All come from Bangui's good society. Let's hear it for the First Lady. Escorted by peacekeepers, there's also Brigitte Toidera, one of the president's 2 wives.
But the real star of the evening is her. Elmira Abdrazakova, Miss Russia 2013. She has just arrived in Bangui aboard a private jet.
She's here in front of us, the Miss from the Republic of Russia! Dear inhabitants, good morning, dear First Lady. Thank you very much for inviting me to this festival of beauty.
I want to say that beauty is not only represented on the stage. I see it in your eyes, I feel it in your heart. It is a great honor for me, on behalf of the Russian Federation, to take part in this event.
Backstage, the Misses are getting ready to take to the stage. Listen, listen, listen. When we go on stage, we dance like this.
Girls, get into position! At the foot of the stage, 6 members of the jury. Among them, a Russian diplomat.
He's having the local customs explained to him. The jury seems won over by this latest dance. Then it's parade time.
11 candidates present their projects to the public. Charlène, Miss Bangui, opens the ball. Through my project, young girls who have dropped out of school can find a job with a future, so they can have a status in society.
African centers can follow the ceremony live. There are no TV cameras, but the evening is broadcast on the radio on Lengo Songo FM. The new Russian-funded station.
For the jury, it's finally time for deliberation. Good evening everyone, as there will be the crown, Charlène, as she had planned, is elected Miss Central Africa. The whole family is proud of me now and I'm proud of myself too, because I came.
. . I came to win and that's what happened.
And here are the prizes. For the first and second runners-up, a washing machine and a water tank. For Charlène, a million CFA francs, or 1500 euros.
As for Miss Russia, she will be presenting a cheque for 750000 euros to an association. The photo will be published in the newspapers. Thank you, number one sponsor, Russia!
From now on, don't speak to me in French, only in Russian! A presenter who now calls to speak in Russian. With few resources, Russia, in its arm wrestling with France, seems to be succeeding in its wager to weaken French influence in its former precarity.
But behind the glamour, with Russia's new friends, power is hardening. Impeachment of the President of the National Assembly, arbitrary imprisonment of parliamentary deputies, and a clampdown on the media. President Touadéra may seem untouchable, but two-thirds of the country is in rebel hands.
We decided to go and meet the most powerful armed group, the FPRC, the Front populaire pour la renaissance de la Centrafrique. But at Bangui airport, even before boarding, we were arrested and summoned to the Ministry of the Interior. The Central African government presented us as spies in the pay of France and withdrew our filming accreditations.
On social networks threats against us are becoming serious. We had to leave the country. 2 and a half months later, we're back in the Central African Republic, this time clandestinely.
We crossed the border thanks to the counter-espionage service of a neighboring state. We were taken on board with the FPRC rebels. We're going to meet their leader, Abdullahi Sen.
On the way, the rebels make a point of stopping in a village to show us the abuses committed by the regime. That was 9 years ago. Albert, a rebel leader, remains deeply wounded.
That village. A big village, I tell you. Called Soukoumba.
A very large village. And there it is. On both sides of the street, everything is abandoned.
All burnt. Have you seen the ruins over there? Maybe that was the chief's claim.
Well, everything was destroyed. By fire and by force of arms? By force of arms, yes.
It was the FACA who came with the weapons. The FACA are soldiers from the regular army. They came to destroy the village and kill people to quell the rebellion.
Albert learns that a member of our escort is from here. It's Daoud. Is this your home village?
Yes, this really is a native village. And Daoud, where was your house? It's in the middle, under the mango trees.
Have you come to show me? Yes, I am. Daoud lost his whole family in the army attack.
This, is our house. This is the house There are 8 of us. 7 were killed by the FACA, I'm the only one left.
And where were you? Were you in the house? Yes, the other day, I was in the field.
I was in the field. Before I came back, the damage was done. Do you want revenge now?
Frankly, we want peace, we want peace. We wanted nothing but peace. We don't want to kill anyone again.
Are you tired of all this? We just want peace. My father Daoud, he was born here.
And me too, I was born here. What are we? We're Central Africans.
My mother, my grandmother too, she was born here, my mother too, she was born here. And ourselves, we are Central Africans. In 2010, 21 villagers were murdered here by the Central African army.
Is this something that's happened a lot here? No, it doesn't happen often. But when there are situations of hatred.
That's the way it is. It's hate. People don't like other people.
The African center doesn't like the other. That's the way it is. Because of what?
Politics. It's political. But why?
They have their reason. One day, they'll tell us what that reason is. One day.
One day, that reason will come out. Why this hatred of northerners. Southerners don't like northerners.
That's just it. That's clear. That's the situation in life, in this country.
It's wickedness. For Albert, as for his comrades, it's an ancestral quarrel between northerners and southerners, but also an abandonment of central power that led to the civil war and its thousands of deaths. It's no longer possible for someone to do the same thing here.
That's the end of it. We don't attack anyone, but we protect ourselves. If we take up arms, we're strong.
That's how strong we are. The journey to meet the rebel leader turns into a nightmare. You can't see anything now, there's too much dust.
First silting up, then we have to keep a lookout, sometimes at the risk of drowning the engine. And after just a few kilometers, another puncture. The 8th since we set off.
And it's already the last spare. There are 4 holes. Then a makeshift bridge gives way under the weight of a vehicle.
Now it's dead. This is no good. Half the lead vehicle is stuck in the middle of the river.
Then a militiaman has an idea. Tow the car. He'll hook on to the back of the car, he'll hook on to the back of the car and we'll push ahead of the pick-up.
And after 4 hours of effort, it's finally time. We've been on the road for 5 days and have finally reached Birao. Here we finally meet the rebel leader.
From 7 o'clock in the morning, the fighters are training before the arrival of their leader, Abdoulaye Hissène. In front of you, Colonel Mohamed Vandrick. He's Bangui's public enemy number one, in a suit.
Businessman, former minister, rebel, Abdoulaye Hissène has been leading revolts in the north of the country for a decade. He's a former member of the Séléka, the group behind the 2013 coup d'état. He claims an army of 12000 militiamen.
Many of them have committed atrocities. The rebels have several objectives, including obtaining autonomy, participating in the new government to develop the region and finally integrating their men into the regular army. Are you satisfied with your men, Excellency?
Very pleased. It's a great honor and satisfaction for me to see them active. Today, Abdoulaye Hissène has come to harangue his troops.
These are capable men, who can make this country safe. You must be reintegrated into the Central African Army. It's an obligation.
The rebel leader promises the 120 militiamen in the camp that they will all join the regular army once the central authorities have accepted their demands. Talks have been going on for 12 years, but one peace agreement after another has collapsed. Off we go to the rebel headquarters.
It's located deep in the bush in Birao, a town of 10000 inhabitants. In his headquarters, the warlord assembles his political bureau. Abdoulaye Hissène and his advisors discuss the possible terms of a new peace agreement with the authorities in Bangui.
The rebels are demanding amnesty for their leaders, their leader is accused of having ordered massacres. What's your opinion? Tell us what you think.
On the military side, you've seen all your soldiers today. Your capacity to act is immense. As the warlord knows, the weapons taken from the Central African army during the coup d'état in 2013 are his main asset.
Where have all the Central African Republic's arsenals been since 1959, since independence, right up to the present day? It's in the north, and it's in our hands. When all the Séléka pick-ups left Bangui, were tarpaulin-covered and tied up, what was in them?
It was weapons and ammunition leaving. And people were applauding, saying "Thank you, they're gone. Go home.
" We're not hiding, we're here, armed to the teeth. Armed to the teeth, but in the camp, the militiamen live in Spartan conditions. There's no running water or electricity here, as in much of the country.
But in the north, this feeling of abandonment has turned into a rebellion. Abdoulaye Hissène has changed his uniform. He is now a military leader.
He is keen to show us the consequences of the absence of a state in Birao. First stop, the hospital, the only one worthy of the name in this province the size of Switzerland. It's the biggest hospital in the region.
And yet, there are only 4 consulting rooms and one doctor. But you mustn't get sick. But the doctor mustn't get sick either!
If he gets sick, it's serious. 2 itinerant doctors also criss-cross the province. Between them, they must be able to treat 66000 people.
Hey, Doc, are you all right? But for this doctor from the capital, a rare civil servant in the region, everything's fine. Well, compared to the ratio, it's almost the norm.
3doctors for almost. . .
66000 inhabitants, that's not so bad. Do you have the capacity to treat 66000 inhabitants? Three doctors!
Do you have this ability? If you don't, it's time to say, we've got problems. Do you have problems here?
You're not a surgeon. You don't have a surgeon here. You should have been looking for a surgeon.
You're missing everything, you're missing things. You have to say it, openly. What the population lacks, it must be said.
You have to admit it, now or never. Look, look at all those people. They're waiting, they're waiting there.
Look, go ahead, film. If he doesn't want to talk, too bad for him. Now that's just funny, and that's what pisses us off.
That's what makes us so angry. Because he's not from here. And that's it, that's the problem.
Look how he lies! He doesn't deserve to be a doctor. If I were president, I could never make him a doctor here.
Abdoulaye Hissène doesn't mind. He pretends to be unaware that the state's shortcomings can also be explained by the presence of rebels in the region. In Birao, it's not just the hospital that's on the verge of suffocation.
Here it is, the largest school. Open only a few months a year. Only 3 teachers for 750 pupils.
And they're not even civil servants. They are paid by the parallel administration set up by Abdoulaye Hissène. To finance their activities, the rebels levy taxes on goods imported from Sudan.
They also collect local taxes, as seen here in the market. Each trader pays 150000 CFA francs, 230 euros, per quarter. Fadoul is the tax collector.
You have paid your taxes since January 10 and I've come to tell you about the second quarter, so it'll be passed on to you on March 5. These taxes are also used to finance the purchase of food for the militiamen. In return, they secure merchants' property.
Because it's the elements that control the town and even control the center of the market. Revenues are meagre, as the rebels have not yet managed to levy taxes throughout the territory they control. Some areas are too difficult to access.
And yet, they abound in riches. In the north, there's gold and diamonds. And for the moment, the Central Africans who exploit the mines pay no taxes.
It will take us a good half-day on the track to get to a gold deposit just 25 kilometers from Biraou. And this time, the track is really bad. Impossible for off-road vehicles to make any further progress.
We insist on continuing the route this time by motorcycle. No more. Shall I take a motorcycle then?
It's Albert again, a historic member of the rebellion, who takes us to the mine. Hold on tight, we're speeding up. After half an hour of slaloming through the trees, we finally arrive at Gordil's camp.
Around 100 gold miners and their families live in this camp set up in the middle of the forest. In Gordil, there's a grocery store, a hotel and a clothing store. How much do pants like these cost?
3000. 3000 francs? Yes.
There's also a butcher who sells facochere. But the center of the camp is the bistro. This is where every morning, before setting off for the mine, the gold miners meet to discuss the previous day's discoveries.
At least, until we arrive. There's no gold. There's no gold here?
A little. Is there any gold? There's gold.
Just a little. Only a little? Yes.
In Gordil, as in the Far West during the gold rush, gold miners tend to underestimate their earnings. And yet, given the prices of everyday consumer goods, business seems to be booming, How much is a coffee? It's 500 francs.
That's 80 euro cents. No, I don't have change for your big bill. Go and buy some things and you'll find me some change.
What are you trying to do? You want to show me you've got a lot of money? But I've got a lot of money too.
Tenants of the village's only café, Ousmane is also a gold digger. After the last customers have left, he closes his establishment and goes to work on his gold lode. Come on, let's get to work.
We're going to look for gold. It's not far now. It goes up here, it's in front, there, go ahead, pass, that's it.
The area Ousmane is mining for gold is located in the riverbed, It's not deep here. No more than 50 centimetres. Shallow, but slippery.
Here, gold is extracted using rudimentary and environmentally friendly means, no mercury, no machines. The foot of a banana tree, cut into strips, holds the gold flakes. The entire sieve is covered with these strips.
Then water is added to filter out the sand. Denser than sand, the gold will settle in the cells. After 3 hours spent washing the sand, and then separating the gold from the alluvium with a hoe, the verdict is finally in.
Is it over? Yes. Any gold?
Yes, there's gold here. How's that? That's good.
A good day, then? Yes ! In just one morning, Ousmane extracted 3 grams of gold, nothing unusual in a region with thousands of mines like this one.
How much is this worth? It's worth 9000 francs. 9000 francs.
That's 14 euros, the equivalent of 10 days' salary in the capital Bangui. It's a good morning for Ousmane. As for the middlemen, they will sell the gold for 7 times more on the international market.
Back to Birao. This time we're in the house of Sultan Mohamed, the town's real authority. In the absence of a state court he is the guarantor of justice in the province.
To enforce the law, he relies on a court made up of customary judges. The rebel leader can't settle everything by force of arms. He knows he needs moral guarantors like this sultan to manage the region.
Your Majesty, good morning. How are things? 170 kilometers from Birao, 2 families are engaged in a vein of state.
And with the UN failing to intervene, the warlord is asking the sultan for help in breaking the spiral of violence that threatens to set the town ablaze. That's why we've come to see you, Your Majesty. And for the sultan, it is indeed urgent.
We can't leave them like this. We've got to get them all together and give them firm instructions. Otherwise, there'll be trouble.
Okay, Sultan. Vehicle, luggage, fuel reserve and above all, prayer, which is supposed to protect travelers throughout their journey. Then it's time to leave.
Throughout the journey, the delegation's car was escorted by a convoy of rebels. Abdoulaye Hissène himself was at the head of the convoy. On leaving the town, we pass a UN base.
Although heavily armed, these peacekeepers rarely venture outside their entrenched camp to protect civilians in the countryside. The mission from Birao, tasked with dispensing justice, will be traveling all day. It is in this village that two families are torn apart.
Initially, it's about money and snowshoes. Then, one Friday at the mosque, all hell broke loose. René witnessed the scene.
That day, a young man came to the mosque with a rifle and 2 grenades, and I was there. The young man threw one of the grenades straight into the mosque, which was full of worshippers. 2 of them lay on top of the grenade, which exploded.
The first was wounded in the arm and head, and died instantly. The second was also hit in the head, and left for treatment in Sudan. In retaliation, the victim's relatives came to burn down houses belonging to the grenade-thrower's family.
René lives next door. By misfortune, his house also caught fire. Look, that's my house.
After these reprisals, we held meetings in the village to make sure there was no revenge. Despite attempts at appeasement, René fears an escalation of violence. In the future, it could happen again.
Time for conciliation. Abdoula Hissen meets the delegation at the town hall, transformed for the occasion into a courtroom. Inside, all the parties involved in the state vein are already present.
Meet the Sultan. And on the left, Judge Koutoumi. Several witnesses are in the room, including René, who was there at the time of the tragedy.
I've come to discuss the drama that took place here. We thought that what happened in the village could be settled between you. But instead, you're taking grenades and killing each other.
What on earth is this? And all because of money? It mustn't come to this!
Otherwise, what are you going to say before God? And after the sultan, it's Abdoula Hissen's turn to lecture. A paradoxical situation, given that his group is involved in massacres and that he himself is under arrest warrant.
They have to stop. How can you take a gun and kill someone for money? I don't know, for 5 or 10000 francs that you're going to spend in 2 days.
It's the same thing every time. It makes me ashamed. Now it's time to try and resolve this problem once and for all.
Justice must be done. You can't take justice into your own hands. We can't have everyone saying tomorrow that killing is easy and then walking around with impunity.
In the end, the only person missing from the room was the accused grenade-thrower. He fled after the massacre. So, the rebel leader warns the community.
If he's still in town, he must be reported. In the front row, a delegate makes his mea culpa and promises to act. No one has risen to the occasion, neither the men, nor the women, nor the security forces.
If we'd all done our duty we'd have caught the culprit by now. Now we're going to try and find him, hand him over to his Excellency and thus settle the matter. That's the end of the conciliation.
The rebel leader leaves. A few hours later, as we stayed with Albert, we hear a helicopter in the distance. No aircraft usually lands here.
Albert is worried. His men go out to reconnoiter. What's that helicopter?
It's a Russian helicopter. It's broken through the terrain. They're over there.
They're going to bring us back precise information. Are they here for us? I haven't got a clue yet.
What do they want for you? We don't know yet. Abdoula Hissen has ordered us to return to headquarters.
He's asking you to go back. And for good reason: the Russian mercenaries of the Wagner group have a sinister reputation. Three Russian journalists investigating them were murdered in July 2018.
For our team, it's time to leave the country for good. Since the end of our shoot, the situation in the Central African Republic remains turbulent. Although Birao is no longer in the hands of the FPRC, the local climate remains tense, even as the UN attempts to secure the town.
Since February 2019 and the Khartoum agreements, some FPRC members have joined the FACA, the regular army and others the government. Abdoula Hissen has returned to the bush and is continuing his fight, even though his militia is now divided. In the capital, General Force, who controlled PK-5, succumbed to a long illness in June 2019.
The district is calmer, but the vigilante militias are still active, especially at night. As for the Russians, they still occupy key positions in President Touadéra's inner circle.
