Hello to everyone watching us here on YouTube, on the Plural channel. I'm Rogério Galindo and today we are starting a series of interviews with the candidates for governor of Paraná in 2026. Here with me today is candidate Requenteza. for accepting our invitation. First of all, candidate, thank you for coming. Thank you, Galindo. Wherever we have the opportunity to talk to people, to bring our proposals, and to debate Paraná, I am there. Candidate Requinho , as the name suggests, is the son of one of the legends of Paraná politics, three-time governor and senator, Requião, who this
time is also a candidate for federal deputy, right? You started your political career by running for state deputy, you're in your third term, is that right? Third term as state deputy, you were a candidate for mayor in 2016, mayor of Curitiba, and now this is your second attempt at a major campaign, now with the PDT; you've already been through the MDB, just those two, right? PT and now the PDT. Exactly. A whole lifetime in the MDB, 2 years in the PT, and now in the PDT. You are still very young for a whole lifetime. I
turn 47 now, Galindo, and I'm accepting gifts, October 24th. Whoever wants to send a gift, oh, it'll be close to the second round, right? That's a way to ask for votes already. It's a way to ask for votes already, right? Look at that, a fine gift to win from Sergio Moura in the second round. So let's start there. Eh, you still have little experience with eh majoritarian elections, right? Three times for state deputy, you always had good vote counts. The last one was quite expressive, but the only run for executive office you've had to date
wasn't as successful, even though it's been 10 years, right? We reached the Dilma crisis, all that chaos, where Brazil started to become divided, where politics stopped being debated and started to be treated with polarization like a soccer match. But I think that since then I have matured a lot and I think the Brazilian electorate is also a bit more mature regarding politics. Good to see that we are facing an optimist, because that is not the reading many people have, right? You mentioned a soccer match, fans, and it's still very divided, right? I’ll go, even though
I don't like the term —it's very polarized—but the question I wanted to ask is, we know that here in Paraná there have been consecutive victories for more conservative candidates, right? Beto Richa, followed by two terms, then two terms of Ratinho Filho, and generally candidates from the progressive camp, which I believe you identify with, right? Most definitely. Uh, they haven't exceeded 25, 30%, even your father, who already had three victories, had difficulty achieving that kind of vote in the last campaign. A campaign without infrastructure, a difficult campaign, but look, but the question is how to overcome
this to reach the second round, for example, how to break the bubble? How to manage to convince a conservative voter, like the people of Paraná, that a more progressive candidate deserves the population's vote? I just came from a meeting at Sebrae. Small and micro businesses, Paraná's business community. The ones who generate the most jobs in the state of Paraná are the small and micro businesses. I have the best program for these small and micro businesses. I’m bringing zero ICMS up to 203. I’m bringing an end to tax substitution. I’m bringing a government that seeks to
lower water and electricity bills for these companies that are currently suffering a lot from the increase in these bills. So look, the right, the folks of so-called capitalism, of meritocracy, of those who help entrepreneurs, have been stepping on the necks of small and micro businesses in Paraná for the last 8 years. They raised ICMS, kept tax substitution, increased electricity bills, increased water bills, and slapped on tolls that increase freight and increase the cost of everything. So, how do we approach this conservative and say: "My friend, look here, we are the ones who have a proposal
for you. They only have rhetoric, and their rhetoric doesn’t match reality. The consistency between their rhetoric and their practice is zero. When a person stops to think, when a person stops to look, it becomes easy to talk. The hard part is when you’re in that kind of bar talk, where it’s just an exchange of insults. It’s just" I won't vote for this one because of that party, "or" I won't vote for so-and-so because of that other one. " P, right? That party is the PT. That party, but there are also guys who don't vote either.
No, I don't listen because of Flávio Bolsonaro. So, it's not like that. Uh, everyone is different. Lula is Lula , Requião is Requião, Moro is Moro, Flávio is Flávio, each one has their own support. Ratinho's unknown is Ratinho's unknown. And let's look at the proposal. Let's get into the proposal. Read the government plans and see who is really on your side. Guys say:" Oh, the Military Police have to vote for the right. "Look at the Assembly's votes. Who voted in favor of the military police and who voted against them in the last 16 years? The
progressive side of the assembly voted much more in favor of the rank-and-file than the elected military officials themselves, labor issues, I'm talking about, salary issues, career conditions, career path issues, right? So, the progressive side looks much more at the human side of the officer, while this so-called right only uses police for propaganda, only as a stepping stone. But, but you talked about having a deeper debate, to avoid this fan base war, right, but we know it's hard to have an in-depth debate, right? And you are in a coalition precisely with the PT, which here in
Paraná, and in many regions of the country, is seen as a symbol of corruption, as a symbol of many things that people repudiate, of possible communism, and there are all these...these... This story about communism has already kind of worn out, I don't understand what you're doing, but you will have to answer for all of this. We answer all of this with great calmness, especially because I was the one who truly fought corruption. I have more than 33 reports from my three terms regarding embezzlement, corruption in the state government, and rigged or fraudulent bids. We carried
out all this fight for real, it wasn't just talk, it's all there. I denounced Manguinhos, that group involved with fuel, the PCC, the Comando Vermelho, the refinery. I denounced them alone. The guys threatened me, me and my family. Today I walk with my head held high. There's a guy out there who claims to be a corruption fighter, who today supports the guy he once denounced and walks around with 18 bodyguards everywhere he goes. He's deathly afraid of people, of the public . He doesn't even have the courage to walk alone. So, fighting corruption is done
in practice, not just in rhetoric. And I say, if there is a complaint, let's investigate. No matter who it hurts. Don't cover up for the PT, nor the PL, nor the PP, nor the MDB, for no party at all. If there’s an accusation, let’s investigate it and go after it. Speaking of not letting the PT off the hook, you had your time there—I’ll call you" you "because I’m older than some candidates, so I think I’ll grant myself that right. You spent some time in the PT along with your father, actually, during the '22 campaign, at
that moment when we were in a broad front on one side against Bolsonarism on the other, right ? And you were in the Workers 'Party, you left, and your father, especially knowing his personality, came out firing, right? He went around saying, among other things, that they had offered him a sinecure at Itaipu, which was a position that didn't exist and in fact never came to be, right? That it was a sort of extra director position that was going to be there. And he came out saying that they tried to buy him off with a sinecure
at Itaipu and that they didn't pay attention to him so he could have a real position, and he went on speaking poorly of the PT, of Petismo, and even today he says many things about Lula that we will talk about later as well. How is your relationship with the PT after all that ? The same way, the criticisms remain, but we try to focus on the convergences . Uh-huh. Look, Requião’s criticisms even apply to the Requião administration itself. He is self-critical. Requião doesn't hold back criticism even toward himself, so, not even toward his children, not
even toward his children, because I disagree with him, he disagrees with me , and thank God it’s like that. I don’t want to be a copy of him, nor would he want me to be a copy of him, right? We have to be who we are. And the criticisms of the PT, the criticisms of positions taken regarding privatizations, regarding concessions made in the name of this Broad Front, they continue. But, between Lula and Flávio Bolsonaro, at this moment, we have one who has care and social sensitivity, a defense of Brazil as a nation, that understands
we are not a colony of the United States, that we have to be a strong country that works with diverse markets, so we don't become a country dependent on a single market in a globalized economy like the one we have today. We must attend to the United States, yes, but we must attend to Europe, Eurasia, China, and anyone who wants to do business with Brazil. We are, first and foremost, Brazilians. Flávio wants to be some kind of American colonialist, right? They want Brazil to submit and bow down to the United States. A true lack of
love for the flag. Their Independence Day is celebrated with the American flag, not even the Brazilian one. Brazil is currently facing Trump’s heavy tariffs, which strip 1.5 billion reais from Paraná’s economy. Look, there is no way to support these people . They work against Paraná, they work against Brazil, and Lula has the social sensibility and this nationalist streak that is very important to me right now. And there is still the chance that if I don’t like Lula, and if I disagree with Lula on something, I can speak ill of Lula. I will be able to
vote in 2030 again. With Bolsonarism, I no longer have that certainty. So, I am a lover of democracy, of freedom of expression, and of my right to vote. I will not give that up. So, at this moment, there is no way. The criticisms I made of Lula and the criticisms the PT makes of us still stand. But we have walked together when it comes to caring for people and fighting this Brazilian pseudo-fascism presented by the other side. Now, there are some criticisms, you even mentioned them in the middle of your answer, right, which have to
do precisely with the possibility of you taking office, right? And your father more...but you also criticized, for example, right, the federal government's permission, the Lula government's, for the sale of Copel and for the tolls, right? We will do everything to take Copel back. We have to demand that the state’s votes count again on the board. The state gave up its votes as a shareholder, gave up the Golden Share, gave up the veto power. We have to recover that. We have to audit the privatization of Copel that was done by BTG, by Tanuri, right? And according
to Renan, what is that boy’s name from MBL? Renan Santos. Renan Santos. Renan Santos is the one who made this accusation. It wasn’t even me. You can look it up on his Instagram. He said the privatization of Copel was a big scam by Ratinho and Vorcaro. An accusation made, an accusation that deserves to be investigated. So, we will audit the privatization of COPEL, we will take back and review this shareholders' agreement that is harmful to Paraná’s entrepreneurs, to Paraná’s agribusiness, to the state’s industry, and to the families of Paraná, and we will indeed review the
possibility of the state government buying shares of COPEL, because it is a public concession. One thing is annulling the concession, annulling the sale, as you have already mentioned, right? Another thing is buying back the shares, which then brings a cost, right? Wh, what is the primary possibility, I think the primary and least traumatic possibility is the revision of the shareholders ' agreement judicially, extrajudicially, every possible way. I think the extrajudicial path is the most logical, even for the company itself, which is a public concession. And since it is a public concession and it stops serving
the public interests of Paraná, we can ask for the cancellation of this concession, because then it is just another company and Copel without the concession is worth nothing. That is the truth. So we want to review this shareholders' agreement. That would be a huge problem, right? Imagine people at home not having Copel , and having no other alternative either, right? Exactly. So we have to look into that. That is what I am saying. We must have this control. There is no traumatic and absolute rupture, because it is not feasible judicially and it is not feasible
in people's lives, right, in the lives of the people of Paraná, but the resumption and revision of the shareholders 'agreement is. From there we can start talking, and this audit of the Copel sale, which according to Renan Santos is an absurdity. We have to review this, conduct an audit, and if there is any trickery in it, then it is a matter for the Federal Police, and those involved will have to defend themselves in court. It is no longer our problem, but we want to clear this up. We have a memory here from 2002, when your
father was elected governor for the second time, right? And his main campaign theme was the phrase:" Tolls go down or they end, right? "And in fact, he tried several times, went to court, did things, and then we were in the hands of the Paraná judiciary, which didn't move forward, which didn't, which didn't succeed. He didn't succeed. But look, but the question is, could talking now about taking back Copel, recovering Copel, annulling it, fall into the same possibility of being stuck for 8 years or 4 years? The largest shareholders of Copel are the BNDES and the
state of Paraná. They gave up their rights in the shareholders' agreement. Ask to review it. Listen, we want to have a vote again. We want to have a voice. We want Copel to serve the people of Paraná. This is not traumatic. This is not some great battle. This is a shareholders ' agreement where the majority shareholders gave up their rights to facilitate a deal. A deal that tends to be, according to the accusations from Missão Brasil itself, fraudulent. So I think that in everyone's interest, reviewing this shareholders' agreement is the least traumatic path, for justice
and the investigation. And I, like every Brazilian, don't have much faith in the judiciary these days, do I ? So, when it depended on the judiciary , it just didn't, didn't, when it depended on the judiciary, it never moved forward. It's an incredible thing, how the Paraná Public Prosecutor's Office and the Paraná judiciary, in the toll road case, were so fast to rule in favor of the tolls and so slow to rule against them, to the point where they never ruled against them. They decided later, much later with the Lava Jato operation, precisely a charge
of billions of reais in construction works that were never carried out, right? Yeah. Which ended up at 300 million. It's more or less like a 100 reais debt being settled for 30 cents. Uh-huh. Right? The proportion is absurd. And they swapped it for a few small, important works like the Catarata cloverleaf and they won the concession again now, right? And they won, the same company won the concession. They just changed the trade name. So, it's frightening that 10 billion in works were exchanged for peanuts and a few billboards saying that Deltan Dallagnol was a" good
guy. "Do you remember that? Putting up there the victory of the ministry. How can we trade 10 billion for billboards saying so-and-so is a good guy? But the question is precisely this: if we can't trust the judiciary, you talk about a shareholders 'agreement, but knowing how capitalism works, whoever made a profit is unlikely to want to give up that profit. But the majority shareholders are institutions, and they are institutions linked to the federal government and the state government. They are still the majority shareholders. All it takes is for the majority shareholders to say," Look, I
want to review this. " In other words, it depends on Lula. If he wins, it also depends on Lula winning. We need this help, because if it's Flávio, it won't work. Ah, if it's Flávio, very little in Brazil will work. In other words, this promise is tied, tied to having a federal election with a president—I believe it will be Lula —who has that sensitivity, you know? There is no such thing as an election won or an election lost for anyone. Furthermore, the only sure way to lose an election is to be certain of victory .
In the case of the toll, will it end or will it go down? How is it the toll? Today it is a federal government issue. Ratinho made the contract with Sandra Alex, promising the moon and stars to the people of Paraná, saying the contract would be modern, and that Paraná's roads would have Wi-Fi and lighting. They only forgot to add moving walkways to Paraná's highways. Projects are inaugurated at the start, with no forecast for completion. The toll is already more expensive today than it was yesterday, from point to point. There are 15 or 17 new
toll plazas in total. It has made the cost of living in Paraná very high, but now it's in the hands of the ANTT, the National Land Transport Agency, for contract compliance. An agency that has already proven to be very lenient. But what could you, as governor, do? Supervise, since you... supervise and report. Just that? Just that. Unfortunately, Paraná gave up all its roads, Galindo. This time, it doesn't go down, nor does it end. Look, it would be a dream if the federal government had the necessary guts and the Brazilian justice system had the necessary speed
to end the tolls for breach of contract . In the first year alone, the toll company received 400 million more than it should have, which should have been automatically reinvested in Paraná's roads, but was instead distributed as profit to shareholders who said:" Well, it's rare, but it happens. "See, it already shows the ANTT has a side, and the side is not that of the people of Paraná. Expecting the Supreme Court to resolve that parade of egos in robes is also hard to believe. So we can supervise and report. Unfortunately, that is the reality of Paraná
today, thanks to Governor Ratinho Júnior. Speaking of Ratinho, one of the Ratinho government's actions they are most proud of is the civic-military schools. I have a sincere question here, because for me, as a journalist and as a citizen, it is very clear that someone presenting themselves as a progressive candidate should repudiate the civic-military model more convincingly and perhaps more forcefully. However, I understand that this is a majoritarian election, and it seems to me that you have adopted a more cautious discourse, like, we don't like this civic-military school model, but is it possible, within this ideological
and educational issue, to have an acceptable school with military personnel inside? Do you know the Army school here in Curitiba, near the Jockey Club? Yes, yes. The military school there, it's a great school. Have you seen the Military Police school? Yes, I used to live near there, actually. It's a great school. These are schools that have a different pedagogical proposal that uses the military structure alongside the students. In other words, it has a different pedagogical structure. Ratinho's civic-military school is just ideological propaganda. It does not have a differentiated teaching model. It does not have a
differentiated curriculum. It has retired police officers placed there through political appointments. who make the children march and salute the flag. That isn't even teaching civics to children. That is having a police officer there telling a girl she can't wear a short skirt, telling a boy he can't have hair style X, Y, or Z. Something that also happens in military schools, happens in police schools. Yes. But that falls under standardization. Standardization. But that is within an option of the parents who chose to put them there. So, you are not against that school, I am against this
one. If you want to put your child in a Military Police school, want to put your child in the Military Village Association school, want to put your child in an army school, go there, take the test, pass, get in, okay? That is your choice . Public education, where we place a military police officer with no preparation as an educator, as a pedagogue, or any course that teaches them how to deal with teenagers and children, does not work. What is the training of a military police officer? Fighting criminals, fighting violence, fighting riots, arresting people, not teaching
classes. There are good military police officers who can teach great classes. There are. They are the exceptions that prove the rule. So, I have no problem whatsoever with police in schools. Yeah, that phrase seems to me, let's get this straight so you understand, contradictory to the rest of what you No, let's get this straight so you understand who created the school patrol. I don't know if you created it, but your father who created the school patrol was us, it was during our government, the school battalion and the school patrol, we were the ones who created
it. Because, but the police officers were not inside the school, they were monitoring from the outside, right? Exactly. It's the police officer involved in the school community, it's not the police officer taking care of the school and the students, okay? But we, so to speak. So look, but we have this problem. Today there are 300 schools that were placed in this model. So that is that is the question I wanted to ask . But it's that when how many people put in the school here in the neighborhood of Curitiba or Londrina or There won't be
a military police officer teaching classes anymore starting from No, teaching, they don't teach today, right? They don't no Yes, but involved. They teach class, they teach civic education, they have that authority of a teacher inside the school. But does this civic-military model end on the first day of your government or not? It ends within the possible transition period, because then you have to resume pedagogy, bring back teachers and principals, in the police school model. No, it won't be. It will be a public school where the police participate in the school community's life with school patrols,
with the DARE program on the outside, on the outside, taking care and patrolling. It's clear in your interviews, it seems like you have a certain fear of, I don't know, of the police not liking what you say or the community not liking you. I have no doubt that the Military Police knows my work, knows my position on the police. I am one of the biggest defenders of the military police. That was a thought, right? There are I don't know how many positions that were created there. But come on, if I want to help the military
police officer, if I want to help the retired military police officer, Who today, in the Ratinho administration, thanks to Jair Messias Bolsonaro, has a contribution on their retirement, which I don't think they should have. If I want to help this military police officer have an extra income, and I have a huge shortage of police officers in Paraná, where Ratinho took a state with 19,000 police and today has 16,000, 3,000 fewer officers, what can I do with the officer? The retired one. With the retired one. Hmm. Offer him work doing what? Police work. Come inside the
barracks, help the barracks. Come inside the battalion. Come work the 190 emergency line to handle calls and talk to the officer from police to police. Because putting a civilian—I'm not saying a civil police officer—putting a regular citizen to answer the 190, a call, and talk to an officer who is out there taking fire, chasing criminals. The language isn't even the same. They don't speak the same language. So, there is a way to give work and offer opportunities to the retired officer, without putting him inside a school where he might face a conflict, for which he
doesn't have the proper training. So much so that we have several reports of abuse, of violence. You go see what the guy did. The guy did what he was trained to do. He put the teenager on the ground with his hands behind his back and wanted to handcuff the guy. Oh, the police officer is a brute. No, man, that is his training. That is why he shouldn't be inside the school. Brutal, right? His training is for that, it's to deal with criminals. So, without proper training, he shouldn't be inside a school. But people say:" If
you end the military-style schools, it sounds like we're closing schools. "And no, we won't close schools, under any circumstances. We will demilitarize. We will demilitarize. And another education issue is the outsourced schools. I've heard you say clearly that those will end. That ends on day one, okay? That is money poorly spent. That is expensive education, with no benefit for the students. No benefits for the staff, no benefits for the parents, and a huge cost to the state that yields no results. That actually has other allegations that it was done to serve, partners in the school,
it was done to benefit a certain company linked to a certain person who has a certain partner, right? We are going to investigate that thoroughly too, right? We talked about police here, I wanted to get into this area, right? The police policy of the current government, Ratinho Júnior's government, has been heavily criticized , or perhaps even less than it should, for its brutality, violence, and the deaths it causes, right? In 7 years of office, there were 2,900 people— that's almost the size of a small soccer stadium, right? killed by the police, always, according to them,
in confrontations. I find that hard to believe. The Requião government, I know it's not you, but your father, the head of your political group, let's say , also had a stance on the police that was quite confrontational. Yeah, that's it. Does this policy of encouraging confrontation continue today? How will the police have to work in a possible government of yours? Yes. Have you ever followed a police officer's work, Galindo? Never. Never? I've never covered the police. I would suggest that you ask to go to a battalion, the 12th. No, but look, and spend a 24-hour
shift with them. No, I know it's not easy, Demil. So, understand, imagine yourself doing that work 60 hours a week, because there are officers working 60 hours a week in Paraná, tired, exhausted, salary— taking risks, taking risks, low salary, with no chance for career advancement. The state telling you that a good criminal is a dead criminal, a good criminal is a dead criminal, a good criminal is a dead criminal, demanding all the time that you do exactly that. So you are there stressed, tired, and exhausted, and you go into a confrontation with a gun in
your hand. So much so that we have more police deaths today by suicide than in confrontations with criminals. In other words, the police force is in a way sick, it is overloaded, it is stressed. So, what do we have to do? We have to provide better conditions for this police officer. He has to work fewer hours, he must have a more humane schedule, he must have better training, he must have a better salary, and a better career path so he can behave better. And when he gets involved in an incident like that, he must have
psychological follow-up, not just a consultation. We have already provided 150,000 consultations. Was it treatment or was it just a consultation? Ask the Psychology Council if one consultation solves anything. So, there must be real support for this police officer. The police officer, and I believe the Military Police of Paraná is the best police force in Brazil. Now, when the governor is more concerned with buying Dodge Rams for propaganda than with providing conditions for this officer to do his job well, we end up with this problem. Now, regardless of all the problems the officer has, and of
course , it’s a super difficult profession, no one here is minimizing the problems the professional has, but it cannot serve, I imagine you agree with this, it cannot serve as an excuse to go around shooting at poor people in the outskirts, right? How do you deal with that? Yes, with training, with awareness, and with what we call community policing. The police that know the community, the police that know the neighborhood they patrol, the officer who knows the bar owner, knows the child at school, knows the worker, and knows who is giving another governor's speech. Exactly.
And knows who the thug is, this police force reduces its lethality enormously. Why? Because it begins to respect the community and the community begins to respect the police officer. This idea that the police officer is disconnected from society, that the police officer emerges from nothing, sprouts from nowhere, like, here sprouts a police officer and here is society. No, this police officer often came from the same poor neighborhood. This police officer has a mother who is a teacher, a public servant. Your father was also a policeman, he was a trucker, he was a worker. So, we
have to understand that this policeman comes from this environment and we have to integrate him back into it. This police-citizen separation is bad, because then the citizen doesn't respect the policeman and the policeman , in turn, doesn't respect the citizen; it becomes a snowball effect. So, if we integrate this, lethality drops. Body cameras, I’m in favor of them to protect the population and the police. Nowadays almost everyone already says they are in favor, but the debate has shifted to whether it should be on 24 hours a day or not, right? It has to be on
at the moment of the incident. 24 hours would cause a huge storage problem. That’s a matter of storage capacity, bidding processes, etc., etc. But if there’s interaction with the community, if there’s interaction with the citizen, the camera is on. But we know that this has often become a pretext to say:" Whoops, I didn't turn it on because I didn't know there would be an incident, I didn't talk to dispatch. " We don't have just one, we have more than one officer in the patrol car. So there’s no way four people would make the same mistake
at the same time. Uh-huh. Right? So, the problem with a camera on 24 hours, Galindo, is storage capacity, the cost of storage, where to store it, how to store it, and how to protect the citizen, including under the LGPD. So, we have to create—for me, it can be on 24 hours, but I believe that today it isn't feasible, it isn't possible. It’s a very high cost, it’s a procurement issue, and it's not guaranteed that we will be able to store all of that. Look, we have 16,000 police officers today, 16,000 cameras on 24 hours a
day. We don't have 16,000 officers on duty on the street all the time, right? All the time. But let’s use that hyperbole to examine the issue. Where do we store it? How do we store it? How much will this cost the state? So yes, I’m in favor of police cameras to protect both the officer and the citizen. Another issue related to violence, etc. , that I saw in your response to UOL that I was curious about: they asked your opinion on guns and your response was that you are in favor of legislation...I have a gun
permit. I have a gun permit, Galindo. Right. Right. You said you are a collector. That’s right, and I am a collector. I would be, I would be a hypocrite if I were just making speeches. Right. But, but how does this reconcile ? For example, we know we have a problem that was created by the Bolsonaro administration, a release of a large number of guns, the improper release, the diversion of guns, diversions, diversions and guns that are stolen and taken to what happens, factions. A But what is the legislation then? What, what should be done? The
psychological or psychotechnical test has to be well done. The CAC status is not a carry permit. This must be made very clear because there is a confusion. It is for having it at home and at the range. The guy is a collector and a shooter, he will shoot at the range, he will collect the gun, he doesn't have to walk around armed. So there is a confusion between what is CAC and what is a carry permit. A carry permit is a different test, a different psychotechnical exam, a different procedure, and the CAC is something else.
Do you walk around armed? No, I don't walk around armed. Do you have a carry permit? I have a carry permit. Right. And do you think it should be like this? Alindo, I have that option. I always liked it. I always hung around police officers. I have training, I know how to handle it, I know how to shoot. I like this as a sport. Some people like pool, some people do egg shooting. I really like to train on the track, to practice shooting, I enjoy that. Now, everyone armed will not create a safe environment for
anyone. And another thing, this fantasy that I am armed to protect my home. I have two kids, Galo. You asked if I walk around armed? No, I haven't walked around armed since my children were born. I have two 11-year-old boys. My gun is inside a safe, unloaded and disassembled. It's just one at home. Just one. What security does this gun bring me? If they rob my building, I'll have to ask the bandit for permission. Hold on, my friend, I have to remember the safe combination, remember where I put the key, and let me assemble it
here real quick. In other words, this false sense of security that people want to have, thinking that they will be armed and if everyone is armed, the bandit won't, no . The bandit is a bandit. And the type of robbery that people think they will avoid with a gun is the crime of opportunity. It's the bum who picks a pocket, it's the guy who steals a phone , it's on the street. And this thug will rob you, armed or unarmed, and he'll have his weapon in hand before you do. How many guys do I know
who have a carry permit, who walk around armed, and then put the gun in their wife's purse to get out of the car for a restaurant? And if the criminal shows up, what is he going to do? Just a minute, my friend, let me grab my gun, honey. Can you open your mouth? That's not going to work. So it's an illusion that walking around armed creates this security. But then, what is it for? Guns are for sport, guns are for target shooting, and in some cases yes, for those who know how to handle them, for
those who have training, carrying can even serve as security, but it's not for everyone. A guy has to know why and has to know how to use it; this free-for-all of" let's all walk around armed "isn't going to solve anything. And if society reaches a point in its evolution where everyone can walk around armed, we'll reach a point where no one will need to walk around armed anymore. Coming back here, we touched on it lightly already, but regarding police officers, what about civil service? We know one of the big discussions involving any government is the
size of the payroll, right? And we have unions here in Paraná complaining , rightfully so, about stagnant careers . Especially teachers, but also other careers linked to the state, mostly because they are a more organized category, stronger, APP is stronger, right? And we know that, as much as they deserve it, it's not easy to solve the payroll or the budget. What do you commit to doing in these 4 years, in case you win the election? To review career plans, to make career plans accessible and attractive, because today careers are stagnant, they are flattened, there is
no motivation to remain in that career. The idea is to pay the adjustment possible within the state's real budget , which we will need to re-examine to see what that budget really is, because there's a big difference between what Ratinho says in his account presentations, what's in the ads, and what's actually in the state coffers. We still haven't managed to find out what the real version is, because every time we look, the numbers don't add up. These numbers are never the same. The propaganda is one thing, the financial report is another, and reality is always
a third. So, we need real access to the state's accounts so that we can always pay the best possible salary to public servants. And that salary must allow for new civil service exams. But those are very vague things, aren't they? Concretely, can you say, for example, how many more teachers, how many more police officers in the first year? Knowing the state's real cash balance today is impossible because the state government raised taxes, increased its revenue, and put a lot of money into the coffers by selling Copel , which used to provide money to the state
but now doesn't. With the stake it had in Sanepar, which provided money to the state and made investments, today it no longer does. Today, the state has to pay for investments; the state has loans, it has debts. So, we don't know the true reality of Paraná's public budget for the coming years because they sold assets that brought in money, that put cash in the bank, and now without those assets, the state's reality will be different. We need to discover what this reality is to know how many more teachers we can hire, what adjustment we can
pay those teachers. We have to review the 25 billion, for example, the 22 to 25 billion in tax exemptions this year. It's money that can return to Paraná's coffers, and I'm sure that if I go through these exemptions with a fine-tooth comb, it would be cut in half on the first read because there's no justification for so much tax money being forgiven out there. So, we need to review this, and the first year will be about discovering what's in the coffers and what the real condition of the state of Paraná is. You mentioned tax increases,
but there were some reductions as well, mainly in the IPVA, right? The case of small-displacement motorcycles that are currently exempt, and the IPVA rate has actually dropped from one year to the next. Would that be maintained, would it stay? It stays; there is no reason to raise any tax. None. None. In fact, I want to zero out the tax. The ICMS for micro and small businesses until 2033, which are the companies that generate the most jobs in the state of Paraná. There is a topic we haven't touched on here, and being an election involving a
Requião, we always have to ask, right? Especially in your father's last two terms, there was a huge controversy involving the issue of nepotism, right? Two brothers as state secretaries, or in the case of the port, right? It wasn't exactly state secretary, but cousins, nephews, etc. What is your view on this? And would your father be in the government, for example? My father will be a federal deputy. If he wants to participate in the government, who wouldn't want someone who has been governor three times, senator twice, and mayor of the capital ? His experience justifies his
presence in any government, whether he's my father or not. Maurício Requião, ask any teacher today who was the best Secretary of Education in the history of Paraná. that you make it clear for Maurício Requião. So look, being a relative isn't a defamatory clause, but you have to be qualified to hold the position. I'd rather have a capable relative appointed to a position than have a relative making shady deals on the side, using that as a way to favor or intimidate mayors, for example. And I imagine that this is a reference, something factual, but I'm not
quite catching it here. Well, it could be. That sort of thing can happen, right? Wouldn't you rather have, look, this is my relative, he's really good, he's in the position, he's delivering results. Or would you rather I have a relative out there making backroom deals? Because look, I'm the governor's uncle and I'm here to bring you a contract that I think would be very good for you to sign, because I'm the governor's uncle. I mean, I much prefer transparency, and only those with the competence to be there will hold a position. You spoke about your
father, you spoke about your uncle Maurício, but you didn't speak about your uncle Eduardo, who was exactly the one that caused the biggest controversy, because at the Port, among other things, there were serious accusations, none of them proven, all of them investigated. And it's the same accusation: every two years, when the election comes around, they rehash an accusation. And look, it’s been 20 years now that they've been trying to prove something and haven't managed to prove anything. but the same pride applies to him as well. The same pride applies to him. I am proud of
my uncle, yes. He did a beautiful job at the Port, he faced a mafia that was inside there and that returned, unfortunately. In fact, we have accusations there again from MBL. I love MBL with their accusations, they save me a certain amount of work, right ? I think we could hire them for the internal affairs department. What do you think? Or create a unit for accusations so that the MBL can dig them up and make the reports. MBL. The MBL made an incredible accusation about the Port of Paranaguá. development. Marcos Formiguer, your fellow journalist Marcos
Formiguer with me. Yeah, You're also making accusations about the Port of Paranaguá today that are enough to make your hair stand on end, right? So look, they've been trying to tarnish my uncle's image for 20 years just because he was Roberto Requião's brother. And it's a way of trying to tarnish Requião's image; 20 years and they haven't found a thing. So, it gets a bit tiresome. I am incredibly proud of him, yes. To wrap up this part, many on the right will use, and of course have been using, your connection to the PT in this
election. The question is, if you win the state government, will the PT be in the administration? Is there already some kind of There's no negotiation? Any, there is no deal or negotiation with any party in the coalition regarding positions. But, for example, is there anyone from PT Paraná today who you would say," this guy, I want to invite to be there "? Look, we had good people from the PT doing great work in the Requião government, just as we had people from the PSDB also doing good work in the Requião government. Again, it comes down
to the technical capability of those people. We had, for example, Bianchini from the PT helping us in agriculture, an excellent appointment who could return. We have NVR, who is currently heading Itaipu; he was a great secretary for Requião as well, just as there were. There were PSDB members who were in the government, MDB members who were in the government. We have to engage in politics with politicians, but there is no division of positions; there is technical qualification for those roles, and I will work with the best available, whether they are from the PT, PCdoB, PV
, PDT, MDB, or PSDB, if there are people willing to take care of Paraná. The MBL, I don't think that will align much with our proposal of caring for people and having a public education system, having a public health system, and having a humanitarian police force. I don't think that fits well with their rhetoric, but if there's any crazy person from the MBL who gets cured of all that hatred and wants to care for people and has the technical capability , they can bring their resume and we'll analyze it, alright? To finish up, we're going
to do our famous rapid-fire round, okay? There are several questions we'd like to ask, but since here at Plural we really believe in the power of culture, we'll focus on that. So, I'd like to know first what kind of music you listen to and a musician or a song that you like. Heavy rock and roll is my preference. I've been listening to a lot of Metallica and Anderson .Paak lately; it’s been helping us get a little sleep. In the car, on the road, listening to that. Lots and lots of rock and roll, plenty of American
country, there’s some interesting new American country now, some really cool country rock. Bring it over here, here. Brazilian. I'm trying to learn to listen to sertanejo music. Yeah, I'm, I'm, I'm trying, but it's an effort. Yeah, I'm learning, I'm learning. It’s just that you start listening to some artist, this person, that person, then they go and do a" 22, "it’s so frustrating. A movie, one Brazilian and one foreign, because otherwise it’ll just be the foreign ones. The foreign ones, just to drive you crazy. Final Apocalypse. Wonderful. Well, that's good. A Brazilian movie with Fernanda Torres.
Good heavens, the title is slipping my mind right now. I'm Still Here. No, no. That old one of hers where she reads the letters. My goodness. Fernanda Montenegro. Fernanda Montenegro. Exactly. The mother from Central Station. Very good. Fernanda Torres's mother. And a book, a book for this moment, The Art of War, Sun Tzu. And a Brazilian one, you can't escape it, there's no way. A Brazilian one. I’d love to tell you I like Brás Cubas. Machado de Assis. But look, I’ll tell you that out of nostalgia for school, do you remember a series called" Os
Caras "? I don't know it. Wow, it’s wonderful. I remember reading it in school. Young adult literature. Incredible. Because of the nostalgia for my school days. I remember in an interview we did, you mentioned a novel about the Middle Ages , I think. Ken Follett. Ken Follett. Very good. Very well. And moving on to politics, someone—you can't say your father— someone, a politician, my father, a politician you admire, whom you’d like to emulate, should you become governor of Paraná. Emulate? Man, the ability to engage in dialogue and the stance—I really liked, even though he's an
American, I liked Obama's capacity, Obama, for dialogue, his stance, and defending American interests. I think we can apply that to defending Brazilian interests. Alright, candidate, you now have one minute—our time is almost up—to look at that camera and tell the voter watching why they should, on election day. It's 12, right? Day 4th. No, no. Why should they choose your number and press 12 on the ballot? 12. Because you won't agree with everything I said here. That's not a problem. We don't need to agree on everything. We need to agree on what matters, which is politics
made for those who need it. It's investing in healthcare, by investing in healthcare professionals, thinking about the patient's life, not the contractor's profit. It's investing in security by thinking about the lives of civil police, military police, and prison officers, taking care of what we value most in Paraná: the people of Paraná. It's investing in education, not thinking about advertising figures, but about the reality of students, their learning, and the quality of teachers. It's bringing joy back to the classroom. It's returning autonomy to the teacher. It's joining us on the 4th by voting 12, because you
know that politics is done to take care of people . As Pope Francis used to say, politics is the greatest and best form of charity, if done well. So, between political maneuvering and hatred, let's go with those who care, those who want to take care of Paraná and give Paraná back to you, the people of Paraná. All right, candidate, thank you for your participation and for accepting our invitation. We will be covering the state election here. Here at Plural, we make a point of paying attention to local matters, because I think those are the ones
we are most able to change , right? Sometimes we can't change the world's big problems, international trafficking, AI, or whatever, but we can change—end Sérgio Moro's campaign just like that— no. We have to change the things that are closest to us. So, Plural is local, quality, independent journalism, whose mission is to change things for the better in the lives of people here in Curitiba and Paraná. Therefore, we make a point of covering politics and covering elections. If you like this, consider supporting Plural with a subscription, which is what we live on, and that is why
we can be independent. We live off our readers and we are very proud of that. So, follow the election here from now until the first round, and if there is a second round, we will be here at Plural every day talking about Paraná's politics. Thank you for your participation. Thanks also to those watching us, to Lana and Tam for the technical work, and we will be back in the coming days with more interviews with the other candidates for governor. Thank you. Thank you, Galindo. If you like consistency and have any questions, @requilho on all social
media. Follow us. You’ll see that we don't work by changing our tune. I am who I am and I’m not afraid of that. Thanks. See ya. M.
