If the descendants of freedom fighters do not receive reservations, will the volunteers? Sheikh Hasina often uses her power to benefit her voters when she wins. Muhammad Yunus has been harshly criticized, with some even suggesting extreme measures against him.
The Hindu community, once supportive of the Awami League, faced violence. Meanwhile, BNP's Shanti and Takht Dibona were significant files for the US. Two files concerning Muhammad Yunus were leaked through WikiLeaks.
Sheikh Hasina has been involved in numerous controversies, but whether she should be forgiven is debated. The Federal Court of Canada has labeled the BNP party as terrorists. Due to these three names, Sheikh Hasina faced significant political challenges and had to leave Bangladesh.
She was even shot at from a helicopter. Unemployment has been the major reason for Political and job-related crisis in Bangladesh. Recently, the World Economic Forum predicted that almost 85 million jobs may be lost due to AI.
There were many layoffs in 2024, primarily due to AI advancements. Why not upgrade your skills in AI technology to secure your future? Growth School offers Asia's largest AI masterclass.
You can find the link in the description. This three-hour masterclass is usually paid but free for my viewers. The first 1,000 participants will also receive a bonus worth Rs.
5,000. This workshop is ideal for those in tech, non-tech fields, sales, marketing, finance, or as freelancers. You'll learn to use AI for job searches, manage complex data in Excel, create unique presentations, and conduct smart research.
You can also learn about personal branding and business strategies. Slots are limited, so reserve your seat for the 11 am or 7 pm sessions. The link is in the description.
After filling out the form, join the Growth School WhatsApp group for timely notifications. Now, let's return to our topic. Bangladesh was once part of Pakistan, known as East Pakistan.
Initially, there was no entity called Bangladesh. Pakistan was divided into East Pakistan and West Pakistan. Leaders from the Punjab and Sindh regions of West Pakistan held significant power.
This power dynamic persists to some extent today. The Bengali Muslims in East Pakistan had a larger population compared to West Pakistan. West Pakistan's leadership treated East Pakistan's people unfairly and discriminated against them.
Despite East Pakistan's larger population, giving it more seats in the National Assembly, West Pakistan's leaders did not treat it equitably. In 1970, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a prominent leader from East Pakistan and the father of Sheikh Hasina, won the election. Despite his victory, West Pakistan's leadership refused to accept him as Prime Minister.
When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was denied the position of Prime Minister despite winning the election, he became frustrated. With support from India, the Mukti Bahini was formed, an army that fought against Pakistan. In 1971, they played a crucial role in Bangladesh's liberation from Pakistan.
During the struggle for freedom, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman, a senior military officer, were key figures in the fight against Pakistan. Ziaur Rahman was instrumental in devising strategies during the guerrilla warfare. Although they later went their separate ways, they were closely allied during the independence struggle.
At the time of Bangladesh's independence, Ziaur Rahman announced it on the radio on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This announcement marked a significant moment. During the fight for independence, various groups opposed to the creation of Bangladesh, such as Jamaat-e-Islami, supported Pakistan's military.
Instead of supporting Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami backed Pakistan's efforts and played a role in the conflict. Jamaat-e-Islami also formed Al-Badr and Al-Shams, groups that assisted Pakistan's military operations in Bangladesh. These groups were involved in acts of violence against civilians and were referred to as Razakars, a term used negatively in Bangladesh to denote collaborators.
The individuals I mentioned earlier—Ziaur Rahman, Jamaat-e-Islami, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman—are relevant to the current situation, which is why they are being discussed. Bangladesh was liberated under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. After the country gained independence in 1971, elections were held.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's party won the elections with a significant majority, and he became the Prime Minister, also earning the title of "Father of the Nation. " Though the situation has changed over time, and his statues are being damaged today, he was highly respected during his tenure. As Prime Minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took action against those who had opposed Bangladesh's independence, including Jamaat-e-Islami, which had supported Pakistan.
Jamaat-e-Islami was banned, and its members either went underground or fled to Pakistan. Those who remained were arrested and labeled as traitors. Following independence, Bangladesh faced significant challenges due to certain decision made by the leadership.
The current issue of Bangladesh has its roots connected to this particular incident. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman integrated Mukti Bahini members into the military and granted them the status of freedom fighters. These fighters were loyal to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and supported him strongly.
Due to their shared history, they followed his directives closely. As Prime Minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman provided them with various benefits. This integration created two factions within the military: one consisting of Mukti Bahini members and the other comprising former members of the Pakistan army who had served before the separation of East and West Pakistan.
The latter group had a sympathetic view towards Pakistan, having served in West Pakistan and been posted in various regions. Some officers had commanders from West Pakistan, leading to pro-Pakistan sentiments among them. This division resulted in two distinct factions within the army: one supporting Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his pro-India stance, and the other with pro-Pakistan views.
In 1972, after becoming Prime Minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took a step that benefited the Mukti Bahini members. He introduced a quota system through an order from the Bangladesh Ministry of Cabinet Services for those who had participated in the fight for Bangladesh's independence. This included the Mukti Bahini members, who were recognized as freedom fighters.
This quota system still affects Bangladesh today and ultimately led to Sheikh Hasina facing significant challenges. So, what was in this quota? It reserved 30% for the freedom fighters, i.
e. , the Mukti Bahini members. Another 10% was reserved for women who had been victims of atrocities committed by the Pakistan army during the war.
The remaining 10% was a district quota, 5% was for the tribal community, and 1% was for physically challenged individuals who had faced difficulties during that time. There were no issues with the quotas for the physically challenged or district quotas. The root of all the problems lay in the 30% freedom fighter quota.
When this quota was introduced, it dissatisfied certain groups within the army. As 1975 approached, the country's condition deteriorated rapidly. As a new country, Bangladesh faced widespread hunger and economic turmoil.
The nation was highly unstable, and public dissatisfaction with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's government grew. It became increasingly difficult for him to stabilize the country. The common people were already dissatisfied with the government.
To address these issues and maintain his hold on power, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman announced the creation of a one-party system called Bakshal (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League). This meant that all opposition parties would dissolve, and their members would join Bakshal, the only party in Bangladesh, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This announcement angered the people, particularly the opposition, who realized they would lose their political influence.
The army, already dissatisfied, became even more frustrated. The situation deteriorated to the point that, on August 15, 1975, a group of army officers who were dissatisfied with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman entered his residence in Dhanmondi and killed all 17 people there, including his wife, sons, and other family members. The man who had given Bangladesh its freedom was killed by his own army.
After this incident, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's entire family was wiped out, except for two daughters, Sheikh Hasina, who was 28 years old at the time, and her sister, who had gone to Germany. They survived because they were not in Bangladesh. At that time, Sheikh Hasina's husband, DrMA Wazed Miah Wazir Mian, was a nuclear scientist in Germany, so Sheikh Hasina and her sister had moved to Germany for some time, and this incident occurred while they were there, sparing their lives.
With Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's party left without leadership, these two daughters in Germany were the only survivors. Their lives were in danger, and there were rumors that they might be killed even in Germany. In such a situation, India rescued them.
Sheikh Hasina and her sister were given shelter in India. From August 1975 to May 1991, Sheikh Hasina lived in Delhi with her sister, which is why Sheikh Hasina has a personal connection with India. So, when all these events unfolded, the military had turned the tables, but they were also engaged in internal conflicts due to divisions within their ranks.
After several internal skirmishes, they saw an opportunity and, on November 7, 1975, Ziaur Rahman seized power in Bangladesh. Once they seized power, in 1976, they made adjustments to the district quota system, reducing its influence but increasing the job quota. If they had entirely removed the quota system, there would have been backlash, but instead, they used various strategies to weaken it gradually.
This Ziaur Rahman is the same individual I mentioned earlier, who was a senior military officer during the fight for Bangladesh's independence and was very close to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Ziaur Rahman became the Chief Martial Law Administrator of Bangladesh, and on April 21, 1977, nearly two years later, he used his power to become the President of Bangladesh. Following this, Ziaur Rahman formed his political party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which remains a significant name in Bangladeshi politics today.
After establishing the party, he focused on Bangladesh's demographic makeup, where, according to the census, 88. 3% were Muslims and 10. 5% were Hindus, with the rest belonging to other communities.
Ziaur Rahman shifted the country’s politics from secularism and Bangladeshi nationalism to focusing on the Muslim majority, which quickly gained popularity. A segment of the Muslim population, some of whom had sympathies for Pakistan at the time, became his target group. He understood their sentiments and coordinated with Jamaat-e-Islami, which Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had banned and removed from power after independence.
Jamaat-e-Islami, as I mentioned earlier, was the group that supported Pakistan during the war, and its members were labeled as Razakars. Ziaur Rahman's BNP formed an alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami and contested the elections together. To appeal to religious sentiments, they promoted religious beliefs in Bangladesh, made certain promises in their manifestos, changed the national slogan to "Bangladesh Zindabad" (Zindabad being an Urdu word), and replaced the concept of secularism with "absolute trust and faith in Allah.
" These moves garnered significant support in Bangladesh, as well as international support. However, Hindu voters and supporters of the Awami League were less pleased with these changes. Nevertheless, in the 1979 elections, the alliance between Jamaat-e-Islami and BNP was successful, with BNP winning 207 out of 300 seats.
As I mentioned earlier, the Bangladesh Army was divided into two groups: one was pro-Pakistani, which had a soft corner for Ziaur Rahman and Jamaat-e-Islami, while the other was pro-Indian, aligned with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Ziaur Rahman faced accusations of favoring his group, and this issue eventually led to his assassination. On May 30, 1981, a powerful faction within the army killed Ziaur Rahman, assassinated him, and turned the tables.
These actions led to the formation of two groups in Bangladesh, resulting in the tables turning many times in the country. After the assassination of Ziaur Rahman, Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad came to power and established military rule. Now, with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman both dead, the political parties they led were left without leadership.
After Ziaur Rahman was assassinated, his wife Khaleda Zia, a name frequently heard in the news, took over leadership of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). On the other side, in 1981, Sheikh Hasina returned and became the president of her father's party, the Awami League. However, these two women harbored intense hatred for each other because they led the two main parties in Bangladesh, and their ideologies were vastly different.
Khaleda Zia was anti-India, while Sheikh Hasina was pro-India. Their enmity was so intense that Khaleda Zia's date of birth, originally listed as August 9, 1944, on her marriage certificate, was deliberately changed to August 15th—the day Sheikh Hasina's father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was the father of the nation, was assassinated and a day of national mourning in Bangladesh. On this day, Khaleda Zia would cut cakes and celebrate.
At that particular time, both leaders were out of power, and Army Chief Ershad was ruling. Ershad didn’t interfere with the reservation quota for freedom fighters, but in 1986, he reassigned unclaimed quotas to the women of Bangladesh. This move didn’t initially cause problems, but the situation would change later on.
Ershad remained in power, but Sheikh Hasina was eventually forced to leave Bangladesh due to protests. Similarly, in 1990, both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina’s parties managed to oust Ershad from power. The current situation revolved around the quota system, but at that time, the protests were against dictatorship, and all opposition parties had united.
During this period, a doctor named Shamsul Alam Khan played a significant role in the protests that eventually led to Ershad’s resignation. In 1991, elections were held, and both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia participated, standing against each other. The vote percentage between Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League and Khaleda Zia’s BNP was close, but Khaleda Zia secured more seats, largely due to support from Jamaat-e-Islami, just like her husband had.
Khaleda Zia came to power and became the Prime Minister. Sheikh Hasina, frustrated by Khaleda Zia’s victory, constantly protested against her, accusing her of being a dictator who abused her power. Headlines in newspapers quoted Sheikh Hasina vowing not to let Khaleda Zia’s government run smoothly.
Sheikh Hasina eventually convinced the public that Khaleda Zia was a dictator, leading to her victory in the 1996 elections, where she became the Prime Minister. Upon taking office, Sheikh Hasina made a significant decision in 1997 related to the quota system. Her father had introduced quotas for freedom fighters, and with the number of surviving freedom fighters dwindling, Sheikh Hasina extended these quotas to include their children.
When Khaleda Zia’s turn came, she retaliated by accusing Sheikh Hasina of being a dictator and organized protests against her. In 2001, Khaleda Zia won the elections and became the Prime Minister again. However, the legitimacy of these elections was questioned when Sheikh Hasina publicly released a research paper, through the Center for Research and Information, alleging that the elections had been rigged.
In this research, she published 22 case studies regarding the election, in which she claimed that Khaleda Zia won in 22 constituencies through fraudulent means. She asserted that Khaleda Zia was a fraud and alleged that 30,000 Hindu voters were systematically prevented from voting because the Hindu vote bank traditionally supported the Awami League. She presented 17 such cases, and these are the 17 cases.
You can pause and read them; all the links are in the description for detailed reading. The rivalry and various allegations between them were intense, but after this, Sheikh Hasina came back to power. Upon returning to power, Sheikh Hasina took measures to ensure she would never lose power again.
Before delving into that, let me tell you about Muhammad Yunus, the Chief Advisor of Bangladesh's Interim Government, who was almost like an acting Prime Minister at the time. After defeating Khaleda, Sheikh Hasina came to power. During this time, Muhammad Yunus went to study in the U.
S. and then returned to Bangladesh. Upon his return, he established the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, an innovative concept that provided loans to the poor.
This unique and effective idea earned him global praise, including the Nobel Prize, the U. S. Presidential Medal of Freedom, and the U.
S. Congressional Gold Medal. Muhammad Yunus is a highly respected figure in Bangladesh, but during this time, he found himself in trouble.
In 2006, two significant files related to Muhammad Yunus were leaked through WikiLeaks, which led to many problems for him. These are the two documents that leaked at that time. You can pause and read them; the original WikiLeaks cables are in the description.
The first leaked document revealed a private conversation where Muhammad Yunus suggested that both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia should be permanently expelled from politics. He also praised the military rule of that time. The second leaked document showed that James Moriarty, the U.
S. Ambassador to Bangladesh, assured Muhammad Yunus not to worry, as he would speak to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and resolve everything. These documents enraged Sheikh Hasina, who was already wary of him.
In the midst of this, another situation arose. Mohan Kumar, India’s Foreign Secretary for Bangladesh, told a U. S.
diplomat that Muhammad Yunus received the Nobel Prize because the U. S. wanted to elevate him in Bangladesh's politics, believing that the award would boost his credibility and facilitate his rise to power.
However, Mohan Kumar later clarified that although he made this statement, he did not genuinely believe it. These back-to-back events led Sheikh Hasina to hold a cabinet meeting where she publicly declared Muhammad Yunus a very dangerous person, urging others to stay away from him. She accused him of conspiring to overthrow her government with the help of his American friend, Hillary Clinton.
Consequently, Sheikh Hasina had Muhammad Yunus jailed and removed him from his position at the Grameen Bank. At the same time, the U. S.
halted funding for the Padma Bridge project in Bangladesh, further angering Sheikh Hasina. She made a public statement expressing her outrage, saying, "This Muhammad Yunus should be drowned in the Padma River. When he is about to die, take him out, and then drown him again.
" Despite being a respected figure in Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus could not prevail against Sheikh Hasina at this particular time. However, Sheikh Hasina was unaware that by 2024, circumstances would align in such a way that she might have to leave Bangladesh, with Muhammad Yunus potentially becoming the leader of the country. This was the state of affairs between Yunus and Sheikh Hasina at that time.
So first of all, in 2008, when Sheikh Hasina won, within two years of that, in 2010, she took a significant step. The freedom fighters and their children had become fewer in number to claim the quota. So what did Sheikh Hasina do?
Since their children were also becoming fewer to claim the quota, she extended the quota benefits to their grandchildren. Along with this, Sheikh Hasina took another step. Khaleda Zia's BNP party, which used to ally with Jamaat-e-Islami to contest elections, had the ban that was initially imposed on them by Sheikh Hasina's father removed.
Sheikh Hasina reimposed the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami. In 2010, the International Crimes Tribunal was formed. The purpose of this tribunal was to prosecute the war crimes committed during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, primarily targeting the leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami.
Top leaders like Gulam Azam, Delwar Hossain Sayedee, and Motiur Rahman Nizami were prosecuted and punished, effectively weakening Jamaat-e-Islami. A year later, in 2011, Sheikh Hasina passed the Fifth Amendment, reintroducing the word "secular" into the constitution. In the same year, she abolished the caretaker government system in Bangladesh.
Now, you might ask, what is a caretaker government? In Bangladesh, unlike in India where the Election Commission conducts elections, there was a concept where the ruling government would step down for 90 days, and a caretaker government would be formed. This temporary government, composed of neutral officials, would oversee the elections to ensure fairness.
Sheikh Hasina removed this concept as well, stating that elections would be conducted like in other countries, with an election commission overseeing the process. Despite these changes, Sheikh Hasina did not face much opposition and won the 2014 election again. After winning, she took another significant step.
Khaleda Zia ran the Zia Orphanage Trust, which had been receiving funds since 1991. Sheikh Hasina secretly started investigating this trust. The Anti-Corruption Commission conducted a thorough investigation, and charges were filed against Khaleda Zia for illegally withdrawing funds from the trust.
The case went to court, and by 2018, Khaleda Zia was sentenced to 10 years in prison. She had only been released for six months and has remained in jail since then. With Sheikh Hasina in power, she ran her government smoothly until 2018, when another problem arose.
Two incidents happened simultaneously. In Dhaka, two students, Abdul Karim and Diya Khanam, were tragically killed by a bus, sparking widespread protests by students from Dhaka University. At the same time, there were protests against the freedom fighter quota system, with demands to abolish it as it was seen as outdated.
These protests began at Dhaka University and quickly spread to other universities, including Jahangirnagar University, Rajshahi University, and Chittagong University. Despite harsh government crackdowns, the students refused to back down. With Khaleda Zia in jail and Jamaat-e-Islami weakened, the opposition saw an opportunity in this particular incident to unite against Sheikh Hasina.
Even the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, Chhatra Shibir, joined the protests. In response, Sheikh Hasina made a strategic decision to remove the freedom fighter quota in education, temporarily restoring peace. You might wonder why Sheikh Hasina was so insistent on maintaining the freedom fighter quota.
These freedom fighters, who fought in support of Sheikh Hasina's father during the independence of Bangladesh, remained loyal to the Awami League. This loyalty made it difficult for the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami to gain traction, as the beneficiaries of the quota system consistently supported the Awami League. BNP, associated with Jamaat-e-Islami, was viewed with suspicion due to its pro-Pakistan stance and fundamentalist tendencies.
Jamaat-e-Islami had even once declared that they wanted to turn Bangladesh into an Islamic state. Despite once winning 17 seats and securing two cabinet positions, at that time at 500 locations in Bangladesh, a significant event occurred where 460 bombs exploded. Their ideology is also found within the Islamic community.
In fact, the BNP party has been classified as a terrorist organization by the Federal Court of Canada. If someone is associated with the BNP party of Bangladesh, they are denied asylum in Canada. Justice Henry S.
Brown of the federal court has clearly stated this in his judgment. This quota system greatly benefits Sheikh Hasina's Awami League. There have also been numerous reports alleging that the Awami League allocates quotas to its supporters under the guise of the freedom fighter quota.
In 2014, there was a report from the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs indicating that 60,000 fake freedom fighters had received quota certificates. So, how do you identify a freedom fighter in India? The government issues them a certificate.
Similarly, in Bangladesh, the government also has the authority to issue this certificate. There have been instances where people take loans to obtain the freedom fighter quota, with the expectation that they will secure a job once they get the quota. In reality, there is a lot of politics involved in this quota system.
In 2018, just before the elections, the quota was removed under public pressure. However, it wasn't an easy process. The elections were held again in December 2018, and Sheikh Hasina won the elections once more, facing allegations of election rigging and violence.
A BBC correspondent witnessed ballot boxes already filled in Chittagong, and when questioned, the presiding officer refused to comment. Despite the uproar, Sheikh Hasina dismissed these allegations as politically motivated, and she returned to power without any significant opposition. As 2023 approached, problems started to arise for Sheikh Hasina.
The ready-made garment industry, which is the backbone of Bangladesh's economy, contributing 11% to the GDP, became a point of contention. Bangladesh is the third-largest textile supplier in the world, sometimes ranking second or fourth, but always remaining in the top five. Over 4 million people in Bangladesh are employed in this industry.
Global brands source ready-made garments from Bangladesh, and the country competes fiercely with Vietnam due to the availability of cheap labor. In October 2023, garment workers shut down 600 factories and began protesting, demanding higher wages as their income was meager despite the industry's high profits. The protest posed a dilemma for Sheikh Hasina.
Raising wages would increase costs, potentially driving foreign companies to shift their operations to Vietnam, leading to increased unemployment. The entire economy of Bangladesh relied on this industry, so Sheikh Hasina chose to suppress the protests instead of risking the economy. At the same time, elections were scheduled for December 2023, but they were postponed to January 7, 2024.
The opposition accused the government of manipulating the elections and demanded the reinstatement of the caretaker government. When Sheikh Hasina refused, the opposition boycotted the elections. Many opposition leaders were already imprisoned, and the remaining leaders boycotted the election, leaving many constituencies with only Awami League candidates.
As a result, Sheikh Hasina's party easily won 223 out of 300 seats. The Islamic community, BNP, and the entire opposition protested vigorously, but they were unable to stop the Awami League's victory. Sheikh Hasina returned to power with overwhelming support, and in June 2024, the High Court reinstated the freedom fighter quota that had been removed in 2018, declaring its removal unconstitutional.
This decision reignited tensions, with allegations that Sheikh Hasina used her power to favor her voters. Students began to protest, arguing that although the High Court had reinstated the quota, Sheikh Hasina had the legislative power to remove it. When no action was taken for a long time, students from Dhaka University, along with some public interest lawyers, took the matter to the Supreme Court.
Three students from Dhaka University's sociology department, Nahid Islam, Asif Mehmood, and Abu Bakr Majumdar, led the protest demanding the removal of the freedom fighter quota and criticized Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the father of the nation, for introducing the quota in the first place. There was already a lot of unemployment, and students were concerned about job opportunities. Gradually, this protest spread to Jahangirnagar University, Rajshahi University, and Chittagong University, and soon, the entire Bangladesh became involved in this protest.
Initially, the protest was peaceful. But as the days went by, the situation started deteriorating. In a few days, the BNP party, Jamaat-e-Islami, and their student wing, Chhatra Shibir, also joined the protest.
The opposition parties took to the streets alongside the students. Moreover, the garment workers who had protested earlier also joined in. As soon as so many people united with the students, violence began.
The entire nation is almost on the streets, leaving only the core voters of the Awami Party behind. The intensity of the protest escalates significantly by July 14, 2024. On the same day, Sheikh Hasina holds a press conference with media from all over the country, where she makes a crucial statement: "If the children of freedom fighters will not get the reservation, will the volunteers get it?
" As I said earlier, volunteers are viewed negatively in Bangladesh, as they are seen as traitors. People become enraged, believing that while they are protesting about jobs, they are being labeled as traitors, as volunteers. This angers the students even more, and the intensity of the protest increases everywhere.
Sheikh Hasina thought she could control the situation with the power she had, but this was a significant miscalculation. From here, she decides on a new approach: she believes that if the three leading student protestors—Nahid Islam, Asif Mehmood, and Abu Bakr—are controlled, the protest will calm down. But this turns out to be the government's biggest mistake.
On July 28, 2024, these three student leaders disappear. People search for them and approach the police, but the police deny having them in custody. However, one of the students, Nahid, was arrested, and a video of his arrest starts to go viral, confirming that the government had detained them.
This enrages the crowd, leading them to attack the police, who respond with force. The crowd becomes uncontrollable. The government realizes it made a terrible mistake.
On July 21, Nahid is found in a terrible condition, unconscious on a road, along with the other two leaders. They are taken to the hospital, which only angers the public further. Recognizing its mistake, the government then takes these three from the hospital between July 26 and July 27, citing security concerns as a reason for their removal.
They claim it was necessary to protect the students from potential attacks. Simultaneously, on the same day, the court decides to reduce the freedom fighters' quota to just 5%, removing the rest. Although this decision, which was initially resisted, is now implemented, people demand more—they want Sheikh Hasina to apologize and resign.
Meanwhile, a video message surfaces featuring these three leaders, who, with visible distress on their faces, appeal for the protests to stop, urging everyone to remain calm and end the protests immediately. However, people suspect that the students are being coerced into making this statement, and the protests continue unabated. Violence erupts in the streets, with demands to release these three leaders.
The police resort to force, but the situation spirals out of control. This was a period when Bangladesh was burning, and the government realized that the protests were slipping out of its control. With the crowd deciding to march towards Sheikh Hasina's residence, the government, feeling immense pressure, offers to release the three students.
Upon their release, the students, in dire conditions, reveal that they were beaten and forced to give statements after being injected with something. This revelation further enrages the crowd. Nahid then declares that nothing short of Sheikh Hasina's resignation will suffice.
As the pressure on the Awami Party mounts, the party responds by blaming the opposition, including the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami's student wings, for orchestrating the chaos. The next day, the Awami Party's student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatral League (BCL), is sent to counter the protest, with the police accompanying them. This results in violent clashes, with severe beatings and killings on the streets.
Security forces are deployed, and the situation becomes dire, with tear gas, rubber bullets, and even helicopters being used to suppress the protests. Despite all efforts, the protests do not stop, and the government realizes the gravity of the situation. The crowd plans to march to the Prime Minister's residence, demanding Sheikh Hasina's resignation.
On July 31, 2024, Sheikh Hasina, through India's ambassador, requests help from India to stop the protest, but India, viewing this as an internal matter, only agrees to ensure Sheikh Hasina's safety. Despite a three-day public holiday aimed at calming the situation, nothing changes. At this point, Sheikh Hasina considers deploying the army.
The army chief, who is close to Sheikh Hasina and also her cousin, advises against it, stating that there are too many protesters, and deploying the army would only worsen the situation. He also advises that if the crowd reaches the Prime Minister's residence, it would be wise for her to resign, assuring her safety by relocating her. Initially, Sheikh Hasina is reluctant, but later she agrees, with one condition: she wishes to address the nation on television before leaving.
However, the army chief advises against it, warning that such an announcement could worsen the situation, leaving her with even less time. Ultimately, Sheikh Hasina, along with her sister, leaves Bangladesh within 45 minutes without making any public statement. As per her arrangement, India had Rafale jets stationed at the border for her security, allowing her to safely reach India.
Initially, she was supposed to go to London, but London denies her entry, followed by the US canceling her visa. This puts India in a difficult position. If India grants Sheikh Hasina political asylum, it risks souring relations with the new government in Bangladesh, who might demand her return, potentially damaging diplomatic ties, similar to the Tibet-China situation with the Dalai Lama.
Moreover, returning Sheikh Hasina to the opposition's hands would send a very negative message. This places India in a very tough situation. Additionally, as soon as Sheikh Hasina leaves Bangladesh, BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami members realize that the Awami Party is unlikely to return to power.
They begin targeting the core supporters of the Awami Party, particularly the Hindu community, who were strong supporters of the Awami Party. These people are brutally killed, either hanged, burned, or murdered on the streets, in an attempt to either eradicate them or force them to flee, ensuring that there is no opposition vote bank left in the future. Hindu temples and other religious places are also set on fire.
This situation is horrifying, with gruesome footage of people being beheaded or hanged upside down. It's hard to believe that students, the very individuals who initiated this movement, could carry out such atrocities. This has led to widespread speculation that this movement is not just about a simple reservation demand but is part of a larger conspiracy involving international players.
In the coming days, it will become clearer who actually benefited from this situation, whether it was China, the US, or Pakistan. However, one thing is clear: Pakistan's Imran Khan mentioned that they were offered to build an airbase in Pakistan and were threatened with removal if they refused. This was a few days before Sheikh Hasina made a similar statement, saying that a white man approached her with a demand to build an airbase, and if denied, her government would be overthrown.
This ultimately led to her departure from Bangladesh. Currently, Bangladesh has become a battlefield, and in the coming days, it will become clear who the real winner is. Surprisingly, while everyone expected Khalida zia or members of the Islamic community to emerge victorious, the name of Muhammad Yunus has surfaced at the last moment, which no one anticipated.
The situation is far from simple, and the biggest concern is for India, as this turmoil not only affects Bangladesh but also poses challenges for all of India's neighboring countries. Conspiracy theories about international involvement are rampant, and as more information becomes available, further updates will be provided. Lastly, don't forget to attend the Growth School AI Masterclass and book your slot to upgrade yourself in AI technology.
Thank you.
